Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 12 -- The Putin
regime’s efforts to suppress all opposition political activity are easy to
understand, Andrey Malgin says; that is how all authoritarian systems operate
because “the existence of alternative political structures is incompatible with
authoritarianism.” But the Kremlin now
seeks to block all efforts at self-organization no matter how unpolitical.
That raises the question as to why that
is the case, and the answer to that question says much about how Vladimir Putin
and his entourage view society and the threats it supposedly can present them
with. On the one hand, the Kremlin leadership does not believe that people can
organize on their own and thus assumes there is some force domestic or foreign
behind it.
And on the other, the Russian
journalist says, the current powers that be are deeply convinced that if these
forces can organize non-political meetings today, tomorrow they can organize
opposition political actions tomorrow – and thus the regime must act preemptively
to prevent that from happening (svoboda.org/a/29878587.html).
But what the regime does not
understand is that by treating all acts of self-organization as a threat to
itself, the Kremlin makes itself a victim of a self-fulfilling prophecy because
its suppression of such groups has the effect of making those who only wanted to
achieve limited goals to think more politically and view the regime behind
repressions as their enemy.
This set of views was clearly on
display in December 2011 when the powers that be responded to protests by going
after what it perceived to be “the infrastructure” behind them – that is
foreign funders. Then the Putin regime adopted its law on foreign agents to try
to isolate any self-organization from the rest of the Russian population.
But it has applied these same
tactics to groups like the Soldiers’ Mothers Committees and even to those who
volunteered to help at the time of the flooding in Krymsk. Instead of viewing
such people as heroes for their assistance, the Putin regime and its local
representatives treated them “almost as enemies” because the people acted on
their own.
Now the Kremlin is responding to
protests about trash disposal in many parts of Russia not by entering into
talks with those upset by the appearance of new dumps but rather by dispersing
the meetings, detaining and fining the leaders, and even opening criminal cases
against them.
And in the latest expansion of this
repressive approach, the authorities have even fined journalists for reporting
about the anti-trash meetings, perhaps assuming that such reporting represents “a
call to society to organize on its own,” something the Kremlin views as anathema and a threat to itself.
“The drive to unite with those who
feel as one does is a natural human quality. To fight against this is not
simply foolish but without good prospects. By trying to divide up society with
such methods, the powers that be in the end” achieve what they cannot possibly want
– a society whose single common basis is “the idea of hatred to the authorities
as a whole.”
That will be a real threat as
opposed to the imaginary ones that now guide Kremlin thinking, Malgin suggests.
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