Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 17 –Vladimir Putin
is “not a nationalist and has never been one,” according to Moscow commentator
Nikolay Svanidze. But even though the Russian president understands the dangers
Russian nationalism represents, he has nonetheless been willing to play the nationalist
card to gain support from the increasingly nationalist population.
Writing in “Moskovsky komsomolets,
Svanidze notes that Putin in the past has kept his distance from Russian
nationalism because of its dangers but more recently in his birthday interview,
the Russian leader made a comment that suggests he is now more open to
nationalist thematics (www.mk.ru/social/article/2012/10/14/760924-natsiya-prevyishe-vsego.html).
Specifically, the Russian president
said, Svanidze points out, that he feels that people view his actions as
correct “and not only some sort of group of the intelligentsia which is
respected by me but also the indigenous [ethnic] Russian people, or let us say
the indigenous [non-ethnic] Russian people.”
These “several words,” the Moscow
commentator continues, “say a lot.” The references to the intelligentsia
suggest that Putin is “finally disappointed in the educated stratum,” not only because
its members have been critical of him but because the educated are “terrible
far from the people” and have little in common with it, a frequent nationalist
complaint.
Moreover, Putin’s “accurate and
careful half-correction,” his shift from “[ethnic] Russian people to
[non-ethnic] Russian” is “also not accidental.
The non-ethnic “Rossiisky” is something that offends no one. “But
‘Russkiy,’ unfortunately is nothing other than a greeting to those whose slogan
is ‘Russia for the [ethnic] Russians.’”
The realization of this slogan,
Svanidze continues, “would directly lead to the collapse of Russia” as Putin
himself not only knows but has said repeatedly.
But public attitudes are shifting and Putin as a politician appears to
be shifting with them and to be willing to play with nationalism “in the search
for short-term political profit.”
Putin’s shift, the commentator says, reflect
the fact that Russian society has become more accepting of nationalist
rhetoric, be it simple references to the nationality of a criminal suspect or
complaints that parents in the Russian Federation are not giving their children
“genuine” Russian names.
(The latter complaint, Svanidze
points out, is especially ludicrous because historical Russian names, even if
they were largely derived from Greek and Latin saints’ names, very much
continue to dominate the ethnic Russian community, including its president,
Vladimir Putin.)
But such remarks reflect a broader change
in Russian life, he suggests. One of his
friends, Svanidze relates, “a real member of the intelligentsia,” nonetheless
remarked recently: “My son’s best friend is a Chechen.” That seemingly innocuous comment reveals more
than the speaker intended.
Svanidze points out that Americans “out
of political correctness,” have “a classic text for xenophobia: if someone says
that he has a black friend or a Chinese, or a Jew, or a Arab, the list is
endless, then this means that he distinguishes people on the basis of
nationality,” and this is defined as latent xenophobia.”
The Russian who made the remark
about his son’s Chechen friend is “not guilty,” the writer adds. “He wanted to
say kind and sincere words and was guided by the best feelings. [But it is]
simply the case that xenophobia has spread through the air we breathe, and it
dictates its own language.”
In the recent electoral cycle,
Svanidze observes, various people played on social antagonisms, “the poor
against the successful, the simple against the educated, the country against
Moscow … the paternalistically inclined who seek government aid and the
administered who are against the independent and self-standing.”
In Russia, “religious and
confessional membership is often confused with the ethnic. But the main thing
is that the moral climate has changed.” Because various people have been
playing with Russian nationalist themes of the most virulent kind, “radical,
pogrom nationalism has risen from the bottom.”
This is highly threatening, Svanidze
says, and both Putin and the Russian people need to ask themselves whether they
have the kind of “fire extinguishers” to prevent a conflagration. “Can [the powers that be], corrupt and weak ...
as they are, put back in the bottle the ancient but powerful and always
passionate genie?” Or “will society itself have to do so?”
Tragically, Svanidze concludes, declared
“fascists who until recently sat in a hopelessly marginal underground, now
proudly appear in whole echelons on federal television. Today the wild advertisement ‘a Slavic family
will rent an apartment, looks already so customary” that no one says anything.
Russian nationalism, Svanidze adds, “has
become not simply an every day matter but something fashionable and even
respectable.” Putin who has given every indication before that he understands
how dangerous this is nevertheless has now made a contribution not to reining
in this “trend” but making it still worse.
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