Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 17 – Most analysts
have become so focused on Vladimir Putin’s use of “hybrid war” that they do not
take into consideration that he could choose to wage a conventional war in some
places, and most of these same analysts are also guilty of evaluating the
Baltic countries as if Moscow would use the same and common strategy against them.
But Marius Laurinavičius, an analyst at the Vilnius Center for
Research on Eastern Europe, points out that Moscow could very well employ a “hybrid”
war strategy against Estonia and Latvia but use a “conventional” against
Lithuania in order to secure a corridor to Kaliningrad (ru.delfi.lt/news/live/u-litvy-est-problema-ochen-vazhnaya-dlya-rossii.d?id=67188786).
His argument is important for
Western military analysts to take into account because most discussions about
possible Russian aggression in the Baltic region have focused on Latvia and
Estonia, which have relatively large Russian and Russian-speaking minorities,
rather than on Lithuania, which does not.
Laurinavičius tells Delfi.lt that “we devote too much
attention to the threat of hybrid war. Russia is a country which can act
differently in different situations. If it uses hybrid war in Ukraine, this
does not mean that it will do the same in the Baltic countries because each
time it is addressing specific and different tasks.
More
generally, the Lithuanian analyst says, “depending on its goals, Russia will
use various means. It is possible that there will not be any war; it is
possible that Russia will be able by other means to destroy the EU and NATO. If
so, a war will not be necessary.” But at present, Kaliningrad “is underrated as
a threat” as is Moscow’s ability to use brute force alone.
Another
Lithuanian security analyst, Aleksandras Matonis, says that since Putin became
president, Moscow has boosted its military assets in Kaliningrad and that “now
all Russian forces [there] are in a state of constant military readiness. This
means,” he says, “that if they were given a military task, they would be ready
to carry it out.”
Matonis
notes that Kaliningrad at the present time is “a strongly militarized territory
with big social problems and a quite high level of unemployment because the
region is separated from Russia, its labor market is isolated, and transit to
the rest of Russia is either across the territory of Lithuania or by air.”
All
these factors, he continues, represent a danger to Kaliningrad, and “we know,”
Matonis continues, “that a large part of the military facilities of Kaliningrad
oblast are located on the border with Lithuania.”
Many
military experts, he adds, “consider that Kaliningrad oblastis a place from
which they might potentially attack Lithuania in the case of a conventional
conflict: an attack is possible along the Nyamunas (Neman) River, as is an
attempt to blockade Klaipeda’s port.”
Another axis of attack would involve Belarus, as recent Russian exercises show.
If
Russia launched a conventional attack on Lithuania, it would likely use some
aspects of hybrid war as well, Matonis says.
The Klaipeda region’s population is multi-ethnic, and it would be easy
enough for Russia to send in provocateurs and weapons from Kaliningrad to stir
up trouble. But Lithuania’s problems in that regard are less than those of
Estonia and Latvia.
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