Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 2 – Farid Mukhametshin,
the speaker of Tatarstan’s State Council, says that after the upcoming Duma
elections, Kazan will press for the extension of its power-sharing agreement
with Moscow, an agreement that is due to expire in the summer of 2017, thus
setting the stage for a serious political conflict with Moscow.
According to a report on this in “Kommersant,”
Tatarstan likely will not seek to negotiate a new treaty or seek any additional
concessions from the center. It will simply seek to have the 2007 agreement
extended. If Kazan is not able to
achieve at least that, it will suffer losses in both image and reality, Tatar
experts say (kommersant.ru/doc/3024985).
But even that modest goal is already
sparking anger in Moscow and concern about what such a power-sharing agreement
means not only for Tatarstan but for all the regions and republics of the
Russian Federation, with some in Moscow completely opposed to the treaty and
others fearful that any change will rock the boat more than just going forward.
As it often does about matters of
controversy, the Regions.ru portal surveyed Russian parliamentarians about the
Tatarstan agreement. Nikolay Ryzhkov, a
member of the federal relations committee of the Federation Council, said that
Kazan’s hard line was only harming Tatarstan and that the treaty should be
allowed to expire (regions.ru/news/2583694/).
Sergey Katanandov, a senator from
Karelia who earlier headed that republic (2002-2010), agrees. According to him,
the Moscow-Kazan accords are “morally and politically” indefensible now because
they have already solved their chief task: “the preservation of the territorial
integrity of the country.”
At the same time, however, he is
open to discussions about power-sharing and indicates that he is ready for
talks with Kazan about that, even if that leads to conversations between Moscow
and the capitals of other republics and regions.
Viktor Shudegov, deputy head of the
Duma committee on education, takes a hard line. He says that anything that
seeks to make one republic “more equal than another” is constitutionally
unacceptable. And he expresses the fear
that if Moscow concedes this to Tatarstan, others will demand similar treatment
with unpredictable consequences.
Gadzhimet Safaraliyev, chairman of the
Duma’s nationalities committee, agrees with that position. He insists that “laws
in the Russian Federation must be the same for all of its subjects.” There can be talks but no concession on that
fundamental principle.
Aleksandr Sidyakin, deputy chairman
of the Duma’s housing committee, in contrast argues that if other regions and
republics can do as well as Tatarstan has, they too should get such
power-sharing agreements. Given Tatarstan’s successes, the agreement is useful
and fully justified.
And Oleg Kulikov, the deputy
chairman of the Duma’s committee on health, says that whatever happens, Moscow
and Kazan should move carefully lest problems arise from the talks
themselves. Tatarstan has shown it can
operate in a good way with a multi-ethnic population; that should not be
undermined by any rapid moves.
But both Kazan and Moscow appear to
be digging in in advance of any talks.
Tatarstan’s senator, Oleg Morozov, declared this week that “Russia can
be made a unitary state only by killing it,” a position that suggests any
retreat from the treaty is going to be vigorously opposed in that Middle Volga
republic (business-gazeta.ru/article/315507).
And symbolizing Moscow’s position
are two illustrations in Polit.ru’s report on this controversy. One pictured “the
passport of a citizen of Tatarstan,” and the other displayed “a mosque in the
Kremlin in Kazan,” pictures that express better than any words the fears in the
Russian capital about what happens in Kazan.
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