Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 8 – The messages
Kremlin propaganda is disseminating and the actual beliefs of Russians are
increasingly diverging, except on the “sacred” issue of approval for Vladimir
Putin, surveys show, an indication that his regime’s media efforts are ever
less successful in shaping public attitudes, according to Igor Yakovenko.
The Russian commentator argues that
Russians have become accustomed to live in an authoritarian country with
elements of totalitarianism” and that they have learned that they must respond the
way the powers that be want about trust in the president, but on issues
directly affecting their own lives, they feel free to express radically
different views.
Indeed, he says, with regard to
nominally “’apolitical’ issues,” Russians in their answers to poll takers show that
“the real characteristics of public consciousness are apathy, dejection,
disappointment and complete indifference to the powers that be and politics in
their own country” (kasparov.ru/material.php?id=587102A433597).
The Putin media “unceasingly”
promote the view that “Russia is a world leader,” that Russians are laughing at
Western sanctions and even want them extended, and that “the main advantage of
Russia is its leader … who is never
mistaken” and surpasses all other leaders in the world. As long as he is
in power, Russia will “strengthen and flourish.”
Such messages are the basic content “not
only of all without exception federal television channels,” Yakovenko says, “but
also the more influential internet resources as well.” But what is striking is not so much this
monolithic message as the very different attitudes Russians have despite being
subject to it more or less all the time.
A Romir poll conducted at the end of
last year found that Russians identified the following events of 2016 as being
the economic crisis (25 percent), the doping scandal (21 percent), the military
operation in Syria (20 percent), price increases and inflation (17 percent),
and Russia’s parliamentary elections (two percent).
Given that inflation is part of the
economic crisis, Yakovenko says, that means that “the main event of the year”
in the opinion of Russians was “problems with the economy.” Forty-two percent
told pollsters that. A year earlier, “only nine percent” did, an increase of
4.7 times, all the Kremlin propaganda to the contrary.
When asked what was the most
important event to occur abroad, 36 percent of Russians pointed to the presidential
elections in the US. That is 18 times as
many as thought the parliamentary elections in Russia were important – and that
difference, the Russian commentator says, directly involves the issue of “sovereignty.”
That difference reflects not only
the judgment of Russians that their own elections were rigged while the
American ones were a real competition but also their sense of the relative
importance of their country compared to the United States, Yakovenko argues.
And their assessment is completely at odds with the Kremlin line.
Another indication of the divergence
between Kremlin propaganda and real Russian attitudes are surveys about
optimism and pessimism for the year ahead.
The Gallup organization polled people in 66 countries, including Russia,
as to whether they expected 2017 to be better or worse.
Internationally,
people were inclined optimistically, with 52 percent saying that the coming
year will be better and only 15 percent saying it will be worse. In Russia, however, only 33 percent expect
2017 to be better, 19 percent think it will be worse, and 36 percent say that
nothing will change.
Those Russian attitudes are
especially striking if one compares them with their feelings of a year
ago. At the start of 2016, 54 percent of
Russians looked to the future with optimism, 2.3 times more than did so this
year – and that “despite the massive zombification with the help of the
Ostankino needle and other weapons of defeating consciousness.”
There is are several important
messages from this. First, the Kremlin propaganda machine isn’t nearly as
all-powerful inside the country as many assume. Second, the Russian people have
come to terms with what they have to say but insist on their own views on
everything else. And third, as Yakovenko says, “the regime is slowly but surely
decaying.”
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