Paul Goble
Staunton,
September 21 – The five most common stereotypical notions about how the Russian
Federation might fall apart do not reflect realities on the ground but instead
are put forward by those who want either to prevent that from happening or to
promote it, according to Vadim Shtepa, the editor in chief of Tallinn’s After Empire portal.
According
to the first, the disintegration of Russia would follow “’the Yugoslav scenario’”
and become “a war of all against all,” a notion, the Russian regionalist says,
that completely ignored the fact that “in the Russian Federation there is no
analogue to ‘Serbia’ as an imperial metropolitan center (afterempire.info/2018/09/20/5stereotypes/).
In Russia, “only Moscow could be called ’the imperial
metropolitan center’” since “the majority of Russian regions are politically
without rights and economically victimized. For them, Shtepa says, fighting
against the equally repressed neighbors makes no sense. “What should Ingria do
with Krelia or Kursk with Bryansk,” to give but two examples.
This
is all too obviously “the obvious fruit of Moscow propaganda which asserts that
without imperial supervision, ‘everything will fall apart.’” There are some
conflicts between neighboring federal units in certain parts of Russia such as
the North Caucasus, but they won’t spread to the entire country.
“’The
domino principle,’ more likely will proceed in a different way, repeating at a
new stage the situation of 1990 when all the autonomous republics in the RSFSR
proclaimed their sovereignty. Only now, already, when the historical compass
from ‘the vertical’ will move to the other sides, all the regions will want to
acquire status equal in rights to the republics.”
According
to Shtepa, “hardly anyone wants to repeat ‘the asymmetric federation’ of the
Soviet and post-Soviet model when small republics received more rights and
authority than krays and oblasts with millions of residents. As a result, regions
will be occupied with the establishment of their own republic-like self-administration”
– and will focus on overcoming “imperial monopolies” far more than on changing
borders with neighbors.
According
to the second stereotype about the future disintegration of Russia, “only the
non-Russian republics want to separate from the empire while all the Russian
ones support it. In reality,” Shtepa continues, “the situation is much more
complex” – and in some respects is just exactly the reverse.
Thus,
“Kadyrov’s Chechnya which receives giant Kremlin subsidies from other regions
is as it were an imperial bastion of ‘Great Russia,’” while the ideas of
self-administration are becoming ever more popular precisely in regions with a
Russian-speaking majority – in Koenigsberg, Ingria and Siberia,” to name but
three.
According
to the third stereotype of how Russia will disintegrate, the Russian regionalist
says, if Russia does fall apart, there will suddenly appear everyone “bandit
regimes like the DNR and LNR.” But that
ignores the fact that these regimes exist only because of the Kremlin’s
sponsorship, and with its demise, they will disappear as well.
“The post-Russian
Federation republics will be interested in something entirely different – in international
recognition” rather than in some mythical subsidies from an imperial center
that no longer exists, Shtepa says. And because they will seek such recognition
they will promote human rights and democratic procedures.
According to the fourth
stereotypical notion, the disintegration of Russia will lead only to “the
victory of local criminals and corruption” in each of the component parts, even
though it has been precisely “in the imperial hypo-centralized system” of Putin’s
Russia that crime and corruption “have achieved their apogee” in Moscow itself.
Hardly any regional leader could “steal
the billions” that “the Sechins, the Usmanovs, the Deripaskas, and the Rotenbergs
have,” Shtepa suggests, or launch wars in Ukraine and Syria as Moscow has, or
send killers with “’Novichok’” to Great Britain the way the “unified” empire
has in recent years.
And according to the fifth notion of
imperial disintegration, one that reflects the failure of so many Russians,
including the majority of Russian opposition figures, to understand the basics
of federalism. They view federalism as a trigger of disintegration rather than
the best defense against it and think that the replacement of a bad tsar with a
good one will solve all problems.
Like those who hold onto the other
false notions of what the disintegration of the Russian Federation will mean,
the Russian regionalist now living in Estonia says, they promote policies which
have exactly the opposite consequences they say they seek and thus contribute
to precisely what they want to avoid – the coming demise of the Russian
Federation in its current borders.
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