Paul Goble
Staunton,
August 31 – Vladimir Putin’s modifications of the pension reform have lowered
the level of dissatisfaction in society, Andrey Polunin says, and they may have
even stabilized his own rating. But they have nothing to save the reputation of
United Russia: It has become toxic in the eyes of Russians and is now certain
to do badly in upcoming elections.
“It is
symptomatic,” the Svobodnaya pressa
analyst says, “that President Putin has for a long time not positioned himself
in relation to United Russia,” an approach Dmitry Medvedev and Sergey Sobyanin
have followed as well. But not everyone can flee from that identification; and
they are going to suffer (svpressa.ru/politic/article/209520/).
If turnout is very
low as it may be, the impact of this on the outcome of the elections will be
less obvious, Polunin says. “But this will not solve the problems of the party
of power.” Analysts divide on its future. Some say that United Russia in the
parliamentary elections will receive 30 to 35 percent of the vote because of
conformist attitudes among Russians.
But others argue
that as a result of the pension reform, there will be “a renewal of the current
political class while Putin’s rating will remain relatively high. That could have many more far-reaching
consequences.
Leonty Byzov of the Moscow Institute
of Sociology says that Putin’s speech on pensions did little to influence the
attitudes of Russians about that problem. “but what is much more important,” as
a result of the Kremlin leader’s remarks, “the picture of the world that people
have began to change.”
“In the picture of the world which
was formed in 2000, Putin stood above the clans and was the last popular
defender. In essence, he was the good tsar,” the sociologist says. But now that
Putin has come out against the people together with the hated oligarchate and
government, this picture has begun to disintegrate.”
Russians are now beginning to ask
themselves: “why must be sacrifice our last money … when the ruling class and the
oligarchs aren’t prepared to sacrifice anything?”
In this situation, the Kremlin is
not unhappy with the idea that participation in the September 9 election will
be low. If that is the case, it will do better because the increasingly angry
population won’t be taking part while its supporters will. But the communists are going to pick up some
support now and more in the future if they seize the moment.
United Russia,
Byzov says, is now “dead. It has already died but exists by inertia,” and the
powers that be can’t count on it anymore.
“The picture of the world people has changed. I do not want to assert
that the situation is revolutionary. Nevertheless, it is becoming ever more
socially dangerous.”
People feel the elites are getting
everything and they are getting nothing, and “this sense is very strongly
revolutionizing people who to a great extent are beginning to feel they have
nothing to lose,” Byzov continues. As a result, their relationship to the
authorities is beginning to change.
That doesn’t mean they are ready to
go into the streets as most understand that this will not change anything. “But
protest, I am certain,” he says, “will appear in something else. Simply because
the country is entering into a time of complicated tests. And the powers already
cannot count on the support of their former electorate.”
Aleksandr Shatilov of Moscow’s
Finance University, however, suggests that this may not be manifested anytime
soon. On the one hand, in Moscow, many pensioners are continuing to work and so
are less affected by the reforms. And on the other, in the regions, where it is
hitting home, people are traditionally more loyal to the powers that be and
likely to remain so for now.
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