Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 4 – One hundred years
after the Soviet government launched its efforts to liquidate the Cossacks,
many questions about that genocide remain unanswered, Yury Soshin says. There
is no agreement on how many Cossacks were killed or even whether what happened
to them constitutes a genocide.
But, the Moscow commentator who was
born in Kabardino-Balkaria says, he has no doubts about the appropriateness of that
term and the need to keep the issue alive so that all the questions will be
answered and justice will be restored. His family, he continues, “also experienced
‘de-Cossackization’” -- and it was a genocide (apn.ru/index.php?newsid=37815).
To this day, no one has established
exactly who in the Bolshevik leadership wrote the January 24, 1919 decree that
formalized Moscow’s murderous attacks on the Cossacks which in fact had begun
more than a year earlier. But whoever it was is guilty of promoting “’social
eugenics’” through the liquidation of an entire people, Soshin says.
Other decrees were even worse, but
now, communists and their supporters like to point to a Bolshevik document from
March 16, 1919, which supposedly “softened” the January decree. In fact,
however, the analyst continues, the violence against the Cossacks continued
even as Moscow as is its wont acted as if it was above all this.
Less than a month later, he recounts,
the Donburo of the Central Committee declared that it was essential that there
be “the complete, rapid and decisive destruction of the Cossacks as a special
economic group, the destruction of its economic base, the physical destruction
of the Cossack bureaucracy and officers, and in general of all Cossack leaders”
in order to achieve “the liquidation” of the Cossacks as a group.
That is genocide according to any
reasonable definition, Soshin suggests.
The Bolshevik war against the Cossacks
continued for the next two decades, with some Bolsheviks arguing that “the
Cossacks are not people but human formed beasts who must be destroyed” and
others saying that “’the toiling Cossacks’ are people but those above them
above all the offices are non-persons.”
That has allowed the defenders of the
Bolsheviks to say that they were pursuing a class approach rather than an ethnic
one, but on the ground, they killed Cossacks of all ranks. Indeed, the situation deteriorated in the second
half of the 1920s when Moscow launched what can be called “the second wave” of
the Cossack genocide.
In 1927-1928, Soshin continues, “there
occurred a planned and intentional campaign (like the one applied to the last
SRs in 1937-1938) for the complete liquidation of the educated part of the
Cossacks, above all former officers and officials and also ordinary Cossacks
who had served in the White Army.”
This Bolshevik crime was obscured by
“larger events – the disbanding of NEP, collectivization and the famine of
1933.” But it was a crime of genocide, as Soshin shows by documenting case
after case of mass murder of Cossacks as such. Such documentation is especially
necessary now because the Kremlin wants to sweep all this under a rug.
The current regime talks about the conflict
of the Reds and the Whites as it if weren’t a part of it and thus seeks to “kill
real historical memory” about crimes like the genocide of the Cossacks.
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