Paul
Goble
Staunton, March 1 – Since the end of
Soviet times, many in Moscow and the West have assumed that the Russian
Federation has little to fear from Iran as far as influence on the Muslim
community in that country is concerned, an assumption based on the fact that
the Muslims of Iran are overwhelmingly Shiite while those in Russia are just as
overwhelmingly Sunni.
But recent events suggest that such
a self-serving view is wrong and that Iranian religious and political leaders
are having a greater impact n the Muslim hierarchies in the Russian Federatin
than anyone had predicted and that those hierarchies in turn are having an effect
on Iran’s Muslims that most has thought possible.
That conclusion springs from a
discussion of “The Sufi Heritage of Iran and Its Significance for Strengthening
Partnership Relations with Russia” offered two weeks ago by Ildar Safargaleyev,
the chief specialist on Islamic issues at the Moscow Institute for CIS Countries
that has now been posted on line (materik.ru/rubric/detail.php?ID=102612).
There are three reasons for his
judgment. First, leaders of the Muslim Spiritual Directorates (MSDs) in Russia
and especially of the three “super” MSDs see working with Tehran now that
relations between Russia and Iran have improved as something that will boost
their standing with the Kremlin.
On the one hand, developing close
relations with Iranian officials, including Shiite leaders, helps to cement the
relations between the two countries, something Russian leaders clearly want.
And on the other, Moscow is quite happy to be in a position to make use of
Russian Muslim leaders to push its agenda or serve as agents in other ways in
Iran.
Second, the differences between
Shiite and Sunni Islam are profound and those raised seriously in those
respective trends care profoundly about them. But most Muslim leaders in the Russian
Federation emerged out of the Soviet period when it was difficult if not
impossible to study those differences in any detail.
As a result, nominally Sunni Muslim
leaders in Russia are less likely to be hostile to genuinely Shiite Muslims in
Iran than are Sunni leaders elsewhere and are more likely than the latter to stress
the common “Muslimness” among them. That tends to be forgotten in most Western
and some Russian discussions of the issue.
And third, there is within both Iran
and Russia a strong tradition of Sufism, the mystical trend in Islam, and
Safargaleyev devotes most of his attention in his 2500-word article to the ways
in which this common perspective provides a basis for understanding and
cooperation that others have overlooked.
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