Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 18 – After the disintegration
of the USSR, many Central Asian countries faced problems with defining their
borders, an especially difficult task because in Soviet times, these borders
were often changed and even more often ignored, but in the post-Soviet period,
borders had become “a most important attribute of state sovereignty,” Alibek
Mukambayev says.
There has been great pressure for
but equally great obstacles to the signing of delimitation agreements in which
the two states involved in disputes would agree to where the border should run,
the Kyrgyz political scientist says. But that is just the first step in
resolving these problems (ia-centr.ru/experts/iats-mgu/a-mukambaev-granitsa-na-zamke-chto-meshaet-demarkatsii-granits/).
It is important that the governments
agree where the borders should run, Mukambayev says; but it is far more
important and far more difficult to demarcate them, that is, to actually create
borders on the ground with markers and passing points that inevitably raise
problems for the people living along where delimitation agreements say the
border now is.
In the last several years, some of the
countries in the region have reached agreements on delimitation but none has
completely resolved all the problems of demarcation. That isn’t surprising
given the complexity of doing so, and the process is going to take a long time,
spark conflicts, and create tensions between these states.
In many cases, the borders the countries
have agreed to mean that those who have been neighbors in a single village are
now on opposite sites of state borders, that major roads crisscross state borders
running from one part of a country to another, that reservoirs people depend on
are now in another country, and that schools and other institutions have to be
divided.
And that list doesn’t even include
what many see as the most difficult challenge of all, the existence of
exclaves/enclaves belonging to one country but entirely surrounded by another,
like most prominently the Vorukh district of Tajikistan which is entirely
surrounded by Kyrgyzstan territory.
In the short term, the existence of
such places raises the problem of access and the supply of electricity and
water. In the longer term, it raises questions about territorial transfers and
exchanges, the shift of population, and possible compensation, any one of which
can lead to explosions.
Unfortunately, while progress has
been made on delimitation, progress on demarcation has been much slower; and as
a result, there have been conflicts and likely will continue to be, Mukambayev
says, especially because none of the multi-national organizations in the region
have much capacity to help find solutions although they sometimes can stop
violence.
In his comment, the Kyrgyz scholar
makes a useful comparison between two terms that are often a source of
confusion, exclave and enclave. “An enclave is part of the territory of another
stae which is completely surrounded by the territory of a given state. An
exclave is part of the territory of a given state surrounded by the territory
of another state.”
It is thus a matter of perspective: It
is a matter of perspective and which side is speaking: Thus, “the Uzbek
settlement of Shakhimardan is an enclave for Kyrgyzstan and an exclave for
Uzbekistan.” But it is of course the very same place. How third parties describe it, however, can
matter importantly because it may be read as a tilt in one direction or
another.
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