Monday, August 1, 2016

Rising Unemployment Putting Russians on the Move in Search for Work



Paul Goble

            Staunton, August 1 – In the 1990s, many Russians fled from cities and regions where industrial production had collapsed into the megalopolises in the search for work adding to the problems of those cities. That trend had slowed slightly in the first decade of this century, but it has now resumed with a vengeance and threatens to intensify even further in the coming months.

            According to a report in today’s “Nezavisimaya gazeta,” “up to 20 million Russians” are now looking for work, with many prepared to move in order to get it. The paper’s Anatoly Komrakov cites the findings of W-City Community Research that those moving from one region to another could rise 50 percent this year over last (ng.ru/economics/2016-08-01/4_job.html).

            Russia’s labor ministry says that only 954,800 Russians are now out of work, putting the share of unemployed at 1.2 percent. At the same time, the ministry says that there are now 1,400,000 positions being advertised to be fulfilled. Those numbers suggest that there are fewer unemployed than jobs available, although there are regional and skills imbalances.

            But using the methodology of the International Labor Organization, Rosstat says that as of June 4.2 million Russians were “actively seeking work,” a number which constitutes 5.4 percent of the working age population.

            There are enormous differences in the level of unemployment across the country, Komrakov says. In Moscow and St. Petersburg, the figures are 1.8 and 1.6 percent respectively, but in Chechnya, the figure is 16.4 percent, in Tuva 19.1 percent, and in Ingushetia, 30.9 percent (For figures in other regions, see the ranking at  yug.svpressa.ru/economy/article/138253/.)

            These various official numbers are at variance with the assessments by independent research centers.  W-City Community Research says that “at a minimum,” one Russian in four is now looking for work – some 20 million people.  And it points out that there were 20 percent more applicants for vacancies in June 2016 than a year earlier.

            According to Timofey Surovtsev of W-City.net, “the number of domestic labor migrants has been growing sharply” this year. In 2015, he says, approximately 5.5 million Russians were seeking work beyond the borders of their home region. This year, he suggests, that figure is accelerating and may grow by 50 percent this year – to one in every 18 Russians.

            According to Rosstat, every other Russian working outside his home region is in Moscow. Surovtsev says that as of June they number “about 250,000.”  Other experts put the figure even higher. This all means, Komrakov says, that Moscow has been transformed “from a magnet for domestic labor migrants into a super-magnet.”

            After the two capitals, the two most popular destinations for those seeking work are Crimea and Krasnodar kray, according to the Center for the Study of Pension Reforms. It noted that 20 percent of those it had surveyed recently said they were ready to move to Crimea or Krasnodar kray in order to get work.

            Ivan Kuznetsov of Superjob.ru points out that in comparison with many other countries, domestic labor mobility in Russia remains relatively low because “very few people … are prepared to go to other cities for work,” even if there are real advantages to doing so. 

            Natalya Zubarevich of the Independent Institute for Social Policy lists as magnets for internal labor migrants Moscow, St. Petersburg and then the petroleum-producing regions of the north.  But she says that the level of regional mobility is much higher than many think. “There are cities,” she says, “where up to a third of the population works in other regions.”

            The flow of domestic labor migrants has consequences both for the regions to which they go and for the regions from which they come. In the first, they increase pressure on the social infrastructure of the cities and regions; in the second, they highlight the center’s neglect of their own industries.  Under the right circumstances, both these things can have a political impact.


Ukrainians Denounce Trump’s Readiness to Legitimize Putin’s Crimean Anschluss



Paul Goble

            Staunton, August 1 – Ukrainian Interior Minister Arsen Avakov and former Ukrainian Prime Minister Arseny Yatsenyuk have denounced the declaration by Donald Trump, the Republican candidate for president, that he is prepared to recognize the Russian seizure of Ukraine’s Crimea as “shameful” and a demonstration that he is “a dangerous marginal.”

            Trump’s “shameful declaration,” Avakov said on Facebook, shows that Trump is “dangerous not only for Ukraine but also for the US.” No one who is prepared to recognize Putin’s aggression can be “a guarantor of democratic freedoms in the US and the world” (facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1096263383797100&set=a.382483715175074.91896.100002403454361&type=3&theater).

            Yatsenyuk was even blunter in his Facebook assessment of Trump’s comments during his interview on foreign policy (facebook.com/yatsenyuk.arseniy/posts/696167553870716 and uaposition.com/latest-news/yatsenyuk-on-trumps-crimea-statement-breach-of-moral-and-civilized-principles/).

”Donald Trump`s recent comments regarding Crimea and Putin during his ABC interview go beyond any form of domestic political campaigning. An official candidate for the United States presidential election has challenged the very values of the free world, civilized world order and international law,” the former prime minister said.

The Republican candidate’s statement “can hardly be called ignorance. It is a breach of moral and civilized principles,” Yatsenyuk wrote. “What Donald Trump said about Crimea today, he might tomorrow extend to some other part of the world – in Europe, Asia or the Americas.” And that makes it worrisome for everyone.
“The United States is the leader of the free world,” the Ukrainian leader said. “Without [its] leadership and the alliance, the free world will be destroyed by the likes of Putin, Le Pen, Assad, Kim Jong Un and other dictators, demagogues and populists.”

For Russia’s Golden Youth, Russia East of the Urals Playing Role of Caucasus in 19th Century



Paul Goble

            Staunton, August 1 – The recent posting to the Russian Far East of newly-minted KGB officers for allowing themselves to be photographed on graduation from a training academy serves to remind many Russians of the way most of them view the enormous portion of Russia east of the Urals, as a place of punishment and exile.

            But another recent event, last week’s commemoration of the 175th anniversary of the death of Mikhail Lermontov has suggested to Svobodnaya pressa writer Stanislav Smagin that “Russia beyond the Urals for today’s ‘golden youth’ is playing the role of the Caucasus and Central Asia in the 19th century” (svpressa.ru/blogs/article/153508/).

            That is, he suggests, one in which the region is not simply a place of exile or punishment from which anyone sent there will naturally want to escape as rapidly as possible back to “European Russia” but rather as “wild, frightening and in essence absolutely alien places with a semi-colonial status” in which one can take part in an imperial competition with other powers.

            In the 19th century, Russians like Lermontov saw the Caucasus and Central Asia into which Russia was advancing as a reflection of a national mission. Now, as officials like Sakha Senator Rostislav Goldshteyn are saying, developing the Russian Far East is the most important Russian national project, “the locomotive and chief hope” for the country’s future (yakutiamedia.ru/news/politics/29.07.2016/521567/senator-rostislav-goldshteyn-dalniy-vostok-kak-krupneyshiy-natsionalniy-proekt.html).

                But in the period in between, Siberia and the Russian Far East were generally viewed only as a place of exile and punishment, Smagin says, and not surprisingly many Russians and especially older ones, including quite possibly all of the FSB officers just sent there continue to view the region as a kind of prison colony they hope they can escape by one means or another.

            But thanks to dozens of books and films about Russia beyond the Urals, many “young men and young women from good families having received an appointment there after graduation joyfully pack their suitcases” and look forward to being part of something bigger than themselves, just as Lermontov did almost two centuries ago.

            Such willingness to go to the edge of empire has consequences, the Svobodnaya pressa journalist says. On the one hand, it produces a wave of patriotic euphoria and sense of imperial mission.  But on the other, it can lead to skepticism and recognition of what is in fact “internal colonization” and to demands for change in the country as a whole.

            That is what happened in the 19th century, when some of those who went to fight in the Caucasus or Central Asia became the most committed imperialists but others, like Lermontov, came to respect those they were fighting against and to ask probing questions about what their country was about in those faraway places.

            And just as in the 19th century, Smagin suggests, the contest between these two groups is likely to play a critical role in the future of Russia.