Paul Goble
Staunton,
December 16 – Whenever something bad happens in Russia, the last refuge of
pro-regime commentators is to suggest that the ruler isn’t in charge and that
underlings are to blame: the man in the Kremlin can thus continue to be given
credit for anything good that happens but not be held responsible for anything
bad.
That
was a regular feature of Gorbachev’s time when many in both Moscow and the West
were lavish in praising the Soviet president for what they liked but almost
desperate to shift responsibility and blame to others in his regime for the
many terrible things like the crackdowns in the non-Russian republics that
happened on his watch.
(Of
course, this pattern is not unknown in other countries where blaming
subordinates rather than holding the person at the top responsibility can allow
the official in power the opportunity to change direction without having to
admit error. But the Russian case is distinctive because of the claims that
those at the top routinely make.)
But
as the most thoughtful members of this group recognize and many other observers
see, there is a there are two serious problems with this approach. On the one hand, if a leader is strong enough
to do positive things, he ought to be in a position to prevent or punish bad
ones; and if he doesn’t or can’t, then perhaps he isn’t as strong as his
supporters want to believe.
And
on the other, constant efforts to shift responsibility away from the ruler to
the bureaucracy, while perhaps intended to allow the ruler the opportunity to
change course, have the effect of highlighting the strength and even
independence of the subordinates and rhaps unintentionally encouraging them to
be more so.
These
reflections are prompted by a lead article in today’s “Vedomosti” that suggests
the crackdown against environmentalists, journalists, and most recently
Circassian activists in the run-up to the Sochi Olympiad is the result of “a
struggle” by the force structures “for political influence and cash flows” (vedomosti.ru/opinion/news/20220011/olimpiada-silovikov).
As
the Moscow paper notes, all experts agree that this campaign is obviously
linked to the Olympiad: “The authorities want to clear the territory around
Sochi of the dissatisfied who could harm the image” of the country hosting the Games,
and “no one thinks that [these actions] could negatively affect the development
of events” after them.
There
is no mention of Putin’s role, however, except indirectly. “Vedomosti” says “the
striving of the center to put financial flows under control is logical ... but
in the current situation of the degradation of state institutions (in this case
the courts), that can lead to the concentration of power in the hands of their
competitors and strengthen the influence of the siloviki.”
That
some of the siloviki may have exceeded their authority in this case is likely,
but that Putin is not behind what has happened is impossible to believe. The Kremlin leader has attacked the groups
that are now being attacked by his subordinates, and thus he must bear ultimate
responsibility – unless someone wants to argue that he has is losing control of
the situation.
That question can’t
be avoided especially when the actions of Russian officials are so
counter-productive as is the case following the arrests of numerous Circassian
activists in the North Caucasus on Friday.
Although they have been released subject to recall for questioning
today, these arrests have re-energized the Circassian movement.
Russian
commentators had claimed with some justification that the Circassian effort to
mobilize a boycott of the Sochi Games which are slated to take place on the site
where the ancestors of today’s Circassians were subject to genocide by Russian
forces in 1864 had fallen short.
And these same
commentators noted that Circassian efforts to get Moscow to accept the return
to the North Caucasus of more of their co-ethnics from Syria, let alone the
restoration of single Circassian
republic in the North Caucasus had appeared to be running out of steam in
recent months.
But the latest
arrests, as Ekaterina Sokriyanskaya of Memorial points out, have changed the
situation in fundamental ways. The
impact of this crackdown is just the reverse of what the Russian authorities
had been hoping for and “now the Circassian theme will sound louder” than ever
(caucasustimes.com/article.asp?id=21220).
She suggests that the powers that
be, by equating the Circassians, the ecologists, and the journalists, none of
whom have ever called for violence, with terrorists not only will outrage them
but attract support to their cause precisely because the Russian authorities
have overreached themselves.
Diaspora Circassians held
demonstrations in New York and other Western cities yesterday, events that
attracted new attention to their cause.
And today, “Nezavisimaya gazeta” reports, Circassians in the North
Caucasus are considering holding a congress to call for a unified Circassia (ng.ru/regions/2013-12-16/2_olimpiada.html).
Given this turn
of events, it is easy to see why Putin might like to avoid responsibility for a
crackdown gone wrong. What is less easy to accept is that there appear to be so
many others in both Moscow and the West who remain quite prepared to help him
do so.
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