Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 4 – Polls not
only reflect public opinion but help structure it as articles in the Moscow
media this week about how the Kremlin and other power structures use them to promote
their particular interests (novayagazeta.ru/columns/61233.html
and km.ru/economics/2013/12/03/gazprom/726708-loyalnye-i-neloyalnye-vlasti-eksperty-komu-verit).
That
has left Russians and other observers of the Russian scene properly skeptical
about most poll results, but there is another aspect of them that may merit attention:
When polls show that a certain percentage of people support or oppose a
particular politician, that finding is likely to lead others to follow in the
same direction, to position themselves to be on the “winning” side.
Such
a pattern has been noted in almost all countries, but it may be especially
typical of those which have less experience with democracy and are thus less
comfortable with a situation in which those in power have nearly universal
approbation and those out of it nearly universal disapprobation.
For
most of the past decade, Vladimir Putin has enjoyed support in the polls that
any Western politician would envy but not likely expect. Now, the Russian
president’s poll numbers while still impressive are slipping, with an ever
smaller percentage uncritically backing him and an ever larger one expressing its
disapproval.
And that shift, highlighted in two
Levada Center polls released yesterday (levada.ru/03-12-2013/rossiyane-o-vladimire-putine and levada.ru/03-12-2013/vozmozhnye-rezultaty-prezidentskikh-vyborov),
raises the question as to whether Russia is moving toward a tipping point, one
in which opposition to the Kremlin leader will grow in part because it already
has.
In reporting the poll, “Vedomosti”
entitled its article “Already Every Third Russian Does Not Support Putin’s
Actions.” While 52 percent still support him, the paper’s Maria Zheleznova
noted, 31 percent said that they don’t, the highest negative figure Putin has
received over the last 12 years (vedomosti.ru/politics/news/19536291/podderzhka-zagibaetsya).
Aleksey Grazhdankin of the Levada
Center told the paper that there has been “a certain erosion” over the long
term in approval for Putin and other leaders, but Aleksandr Pozhalov, a
political scientist, suggested that the current results reflected public
unhappiness with price increases rather than anything more cosmic.
An article posted on the “Svobodnaya
pressa” portal suggested that there were other causes at work as well and that
these are likely to continue to have an impact except under certain exceptional
circumstances which it said Putin might employ to try to reverse this trend (svpressa.ru/society/article/78446/).
The article’s author, Andrey
Polunin, focused on the poll find that “if presidential elections were to take
place next Sunday, Putin would not win in the first round” because the
percentage of those who say they would support him has fallen from 55 percent a
year ago to only 47 percent now.
Levada’s Grazhdankin told Polunin
that Putin’s impression on Russian voters is “deteriorating slowly,” the result
of the economic slowdown, the sense that things aren’t going to turn around
anytime soon, and the failure of the Russian leader to fulfill all the promises
he made during the last election.
Putin does get a bounce in the polls
from sporting events like the Sochi Olympics, the sociologist continued, but
circuses in the absence of bread ultimately are not enough.
Dmitry Oreshkin, a political
scientist, said that the slow decline in Putin’s popularity was a stable trend,
but he argued that one should not assume that there is nothing the Russian
president can do about it. Putin was
able to win the last election even though he was not as popular as he had been,
and he could do so again by manipulating public opinion.
Putin’s declining support, Oreshkin
suggested, reflects the fact that he has been in office too long and people are
tired of him. He is like an initially successful television show which “sooner
or later” people get tired of and cease to watch. Then, the show goes off the air. “The problem
is that Putin is not a TV show and one can’t shut him off. He won’t permit
that.”
What is clear is that Putin cannot
hope to turn the economy around and build his support that way. A decade ago, he got credit for restoring
economic growth. Now, he is blamed for economic hardship, Oreshkin said. That
means he is likely to look to “non-economic” measures, such as a victorious war
or the Customs Union as a measure of the recovery of Russian power.
Vladimir Shapovalov, a specialist on
politics at the Moscow State Humanitarian University, however, suggested that
no one should “dramatize the situation” given that Putin still has the support
of “almost half of the voters.” People
are tired of him, but such wearying is “an objective process.”
Voters in Russia just as in other
countries, he said, always “forget the achievements of a politician” and begin
to focus only on “problems and shortcomings.”
Consequently, “the decline in the popularity of Vladimir Putin only
confirms this general rule.”
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