Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 11 – Spending by
the Belarusian government on social programs this year has been either flat or
declining, a trend one analyst suggests threatens Alyaksandr Lukashenka’s
bargain with the Belarusian people in which he provides social supports in turn
for their deference to his authoritarianism and one that could be “a real
problem” for his regime.
A close analysis of Mensk’s
budgetary policy this year shows, Aleksey Medvetsky says, that Lukashenka’s
regime is unwittingly putting itself at risk by reducing the funds available
for education, health and welfare while increasing the funds to the force
structures and building organizations which have more powerful lobbies (nmnby.eu/news/analytics/5380.html).
In the short term, he argues, that
may shore up his regime, but “sooner or later,” such an approach will “strike
at the interests” of both these lobbies and the regime itself because all of
them rely on the educational and health care systems and won’t be able to if
those sectors are starved for resources.
More immediately, Medvetsky argues,
Mensk’s failure to spend money in the social sector will make it more difficult
for Lukashenka to “’buy votes’” in 2015 as he has in the past and thus increase
the likelihood that he will have to rely on force alone to remain in office
rather than on what has been his base in the population.
At the end of December, Lukashenka
said that in 2014 there shouldn’t be “excessive” spending on health and
education. Translated into normal language, the analyst says, “this means” that
some of those employed in those sectors will lose their jobs and that spending
in them will remain flat or even decline.
Not surprisingly, this has angered
those whose positions may be at risk. Those in the medical sector even
circulated a petition calling on the government to increase pay and cut
workloads rather than the reverse (news.tut.by/society/380812.html).
The situation in education is no better, but to date, there has not been a
similar effort by teachers.
That
could soon change, Medvetsky say, because Lukashenka’s words have called
attention to the fact that he is “changing the structure of state expenditures”
away from “the social state” that he and the country’s constitution call for
into something else, one in which the population will get less and the force
structures more.
If
that pattern continues in 2014 and there is every reason to believe it will,
the analyst argues, that shift will not only lead to “a reduction in the
quality and accessibility of Belarusian medicine and education but also deepen
the dangerous and already marked division of Belarusian society.”
That
introduces a new element in Belarusian politics, one that could allow the
Belarusian opposition to garner more support even if, as seems nearly certain,
Lukashenka responds with more repression. At the very least, this division
means Belarusian political life is likely to become more lively, thanks to
budget changes few have paid much attention to until now.
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