Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 15 – Every week,
Russian officials and experts release a mass of new statistics about the situation
in the Russian Federation. Most are anodyne and say little or nothing except
when put in a larger context. But this week, three numbers were released that
by themselves point to three disturbing trends likely to extend for some time
into the future.
First, the Levada Center released
its latest poll on how Russians feel about the end of the USSR, a measure that
independent sociological service has been taking annually for most of the last
20 years and one that provides an indication of the extent to which Russians
have come to terms with 1991 or of their desire to change it (levada.ru/14-01-2014/rossiyane-o-raspade-sssr).
The latest survey taken at the end
of December 2013 shows that 57 percent of Russians “regret” that the Soviet
Union fell apart while only 30 percent did not. (The remainder found the
question too difficult to answer). Those
numbers were eight percent more and six percent less respectively than the ones
found a year ago.
As in past surveys, older, less
educated, and less well-off people were more inclined to express regret about
the end of the USSR while younger, better educated and more well-off people
were less inclined to do so, although only among the very youngest cohort was
there a bare majority – 50 percent – who said they did not regret the end of
the Soviet Union.
The same Levada Center poll found
that the percentage of Russians who believed that the demise of the USSR could
have been prevented rose from 48 to 53 percent over the last year, while the
number who believed its collapse was inevitable fell over the same period from
31 to 29 percent.
At least in part, these numbers
reflect the increasingly nationalistic and even imperialistic tone of President
Vladimir Putin and his regime, a tone that has legitimated this form of
nostalgia. But however that may be, such attitudes contribute to a sense of
uncertainty and threat not only among Russia’s neighbors but in the Russian
Federation itself.
Second, as the date for the opening
of the Sochi Olympiad approaches, Suleyman Uladiyev, the chairman of the
Daghestan Civil Union, said that over the last15 years, as a result of military
actions between Russian siloviki and the militants, “some 7,000 people had been
killed” in that North Caucasus republic alone (rosbalt.ru/main/2014/01/14/1220834.html).
That works out
to more than a death a day from this ongoing conflict in one republic over that
period, a reflection of the continuing high level of violence there and of the
decision of the Russian authorities to use force rather than any other means to
overcome it.
Not only does
this figure call into question Moscow’s claims that it is succeeding in
pacifying the region and has the security situation in hand, but it also
represents a literal bleeding of the Russian politics because among the victims
are not just non-Russians from that region but ethnic Russians serving in the
units of the force structures which are fighting there.
That pattern
helps to explain why many in the North Caucasus have concluded that they are not
really part of the common Russian political space, a position that an
increasing number of Russians share, but it also explains why some Russians,
including many in the Kremlin, appear to believe that the killing must go on or
even increase if the situation is ever to change.
And
third – and this may be the most disturbing of all – death rates among Russians
between the ages of 15 and 34 are now eight times higher than in European
countries. Every year, some 100,000 young Russians in that cohort die, compared
to fewer than 15,000 for Europe as a whole, and of that number 70,000 die as a
result of use of illegal drugs (rosbalt.ru/main/2014/01/14/1220747.html).
These
figures were announced yesterday by Viktor Ivanov, the head of Russia’s Federal
Anti-Narcotics Servicewho said that almost three quarters of these deaths were
the result of the weakening of internal organs in such people as a result of “the
regular use of drugs.” He added that at present some eight million Russians are
drug dependent.
Such
deaths simultaneously deprive the country of what could be expected to be the
most educated age cohort for the labor pool, reduce the number of children by
removing from the scene many in the age group most likely to give birth, and
further depress life expectancies for Russians as a whole.
No comments:
Post a Comment