Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 17 – The Kremlin’s
aggression in Ukraine and its challenging actions toward NATO ships and plane
are based on its “conclusion that the era of the West has ended” and that the
world, including the West itself, accepts this and accepts the related notion
that international relations is based on rules not based in liberal civilization,
Liliya Shevtsova says.
The West’s failure to react
forcefully, she suggests in a commentary today, only served to convince
Vladimir Putin and those around him that they are right and the West is
finished. But in fact, Western leaders “supposed that [Russia and the West] are
working with the same set of understandings” (echo.msk.ru/blog/shevtsova/1766836-echo/).
How naïve, she suggests. Clearly,
these leaders failed to understand that their tolerant and patient stance was
viewed by the Russian side “as weakness and a fear of taking decisions” But things are changing, especially after the Crimean Anschluss forced
the West to wake up to its mistakes and to take actions, admittedly halting but
actions nonetheless.
An important sign of this trend,
Shetsova suggests, is a new report called “Closing NATO’s Baltic Gap,” prepared
by three former NATO commanders, Wesley Clark, Egon Ramms, and Richard Shirreff
and the former foreign and defense minister of Estonia, Juri Luik. (The report
is available online at icds.ee/fileadmin/media/icds.ee/failid/ICDS_Report-Closing_NATO_s_Baltic_Gap.pdf).
The Russian analyst calls attention to
three of the report’s most important arguments. First, the authors say, Russia
today is a “destabilizing” actor “both in the eastern and southern directions.” Second, Moscow has developed an effective
system of shifting its forces rapidly from one place to another.
And third, Russia has a command structure
which is capable of taking decisions much more rapidly than does NATO. Indeed, the four remind that “the NATO
command structures in the northern direction were liquidated,” something they
clearly believe can and must be reversed given Russian actions.
The authors paint a bleak picture of
the alliance: There are fewer Americans in uniform in Europe than there are policemen
in New York, Britain would find it hard to field a combat-capable brigade, and
Germany’s army is not ready for any large-scale operations at all. How can such
an alliance threaten Russia as the Kremlin claims.
But as a result of what the Kremlin
has done and is doing, Shevtsova continues, the authors of the report who are
freer to say “what they want” than those still in service are calling on the
alliance to use its Warsaw Summit to develop a strategy of “tough containment”
of the Russia of Vladimir Putin.
One has the impression, she says,
that their views are far from marginal ones; and she points out that “if only a
third of their proposals are realized,” Russia will find itself in a clash of
forces with the West, a clash it cannot win because it spends less than 88
billion US dollars a year on defense while the NATO countries spend more than a
trillion US dollars.
Can the Russian leadership really believe that
the West won’t wake up? Shevtsova asks;
and can that leadership fail to remember what happened the last time there was
such a military competition with the West – “the collapse of the USSR,”
admittedly she says this was a case of “the law of unintended consequences.”
What Shevtsova does not address here,
however is something others fear: a Kremlin driven back to the only basis of
equality it has with the West in the military area – nuclear weapons – and its
use of blackmail about their possible use designed to undermine Western resolve
to do anything.
If that happens, the world will have
entered into an era even more dangerous than any it has been in before, one in
which a single mistake could lead to a nuclear Armageddon.
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