Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 16 – Moscow’s illegal occupation
of Crimea is an even greater threat to the world and to Russia itself than many
imagine because, as political commentator Sergey Stelmakh points out, the
Kremlin has been using the Ukrainian peninsula as a laboratory as a testing
site for repressive measures it then employs elsewhere.
In Radio Liberty’s Krymr.com portal,
which Crimean authorities have declared “extremist” and sought to block,
Stelmakh says that this trend has become so obvious that one cannot fail to
recall the words of Pastor Martin Niemoeller about what happens when one doesn’t
oppose illegal actions against others (ru.krymr.com/content/article/27733212.html).
“In present-day Crimea,” he writes, “the
events of the 1930s are being repeated with shocking exactitude,” something that
must be of concern not only to those who care about Crimea and Ukraine but also
to those who care about Russia or anywhere else the power of Vladimir Putin is
projected.
One of the reasons for that
disturbing conclusion, Stelmakh suggests, is that the repressions in Crimea are
being carried out as was the case in Nazi Germany not just by state organs but
by the lumpen the state has put in play; and as history shows, “there is no
worse an oppressor than a former slave.”
Moreover, the recent dramatic increase
in the number of searches and arrests in Crimea coincided with the arrival in
the Ukrainian peninsula of Tatyana Moskalkova, the Russian human rights
ombudsman, a “coincidence” that represents the latest “spitting in the face” of
any notions of legality and justice.
Many who now support Putin assume
that they will escape any oppression because they are on the side of the
oppressors, Stelmakh says; but they are wrong: those who are cheering him today
as in the Russian-occupied Donbas will be next in line – something they might
realize if they looked at what the Russian powers that be have been doing in
Crimea.
A few days ago, the occupation authorities
in Simferopol used force to disperse a group of pro-Moscow people who were
upset by the closure of “the so-called Cossack cadet corps.” Despite what one
might have thought, “they weren’t saved by their Russian flags or George
ribbons, which have become a sad symbol of Russian neo-fascism and revanchism.”
Their fate was preceded by similar
actions by the occupiers against those working in local markets, farmers, and
entrepreneurs, who like them “fell on their knees in the direct sense of the word”
and betted the Kremlin to intervene against the local oppressors. But their
calls were drowned out by Russian television coverage of Putin’s war in Syria.
From what one can see, Stelmakh
says, “Crimea is only a polygon for breaking in new repressions which in the future
can be applied on the territory of Russia.”
That is highlighted by the recent package of “anti-terrorist” laws that
odious Duma deputy Irina Yarovaya has proposed. Almost all of these tools were
first used in Crimea.
In offering her proposals, Yarovaya
made another statement which recalls the Nazi past against which Niemoeller
warned. She insisted that “repressions concern only criminals,” thus officially
introducing the term “repression” as something the authorities have the right
to do to the population, as they are already doing in Crimea.
“Such ‘legislative’ initiatives,”
Stelmakh continues, “are the logical continuation of the sadly well-known ‘Crimean
paragraph’ about separatism introduced in the summer of 2014.” And they now involve ever greater efforts by
the Russian powers that be to control the Internet, something that again the
occupiers have already been doing on the Ukrainian peninsula.
When Putin seized Crimea, he says, “many
experts in Russia and beyond its borders pointed out that the regime had put
itself on a slippery slope” and that “for self-preservation, it would have to
tighten the screws.” But they wondered whether there was a sufficiently “broad
social base” for carrying out such repressions.
Put in “crudest terms, they doubted
whether there would be found the necessary number of snitches, executioners,
and camp guards.” But unfortunately, “the
Crimean events show” that the Kremlin has all of the people it needs to carry
out its campaign of repression, first attacking one group and then moving on to
others.
“In
such a social-political construction,” of course, “the popular masses are a
priori in the ranks of enemies, opponents and potential revolutionaries,” and
thus Stelmakh says, the Kremlin and its allies, some out of self-interest and others
infected with the “Crimea is ours” psychosis feel compelled to move against
them one after another.
The political commentator concludes, “the
speed of the transformation of Russia into North Korea depends on specific political
factors, but the vector has already been designated,” first and foremost in
occupied Crimea.
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