Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 29 – The enormous
geopolitical importance of Russia’s Ust-Luga port on the Baltic which allows
Russian to dominate shipping in the Baltic by attracting more volume and giving
Moscow the opportunity to shift trade from one port to another to reward
friends and punish enemies is so far appreciated only among specialists, Igor
Shumeyko says.
The Moscow analyst for the Strategic
Culture Foundation says that in terms of its economic impact, Ust-Luga is
comparable with Soviet projects like the Turksib and BAM, and in terms of its
geopolitical consequences, “it could be compared with Olympic construction at
Sochi” (fondsk.ru/pview/2016/05/29/morskie-vorota-rossii.-ust-luga-40523.html).
Ust-Luga is Russia’s second largest
port, after Novorossiisk, and first in the Baltic, surpassing the capacity of
the ports there of Sweden, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland,
Shumeyko says. And both its size and the depth of its races mean that it can be
used to overwhelm any or all of these other ports.
This port has the additional advantage,
he points out, that the period when ice covers the waters leading to it is six
weeks shorter than is the case with the port of St. Petersburg; and with the construction
of new highways, rail lines, and intermodal
transit facilities, Ust-Luga will only grow in geo-economic and
geopolitical importance in the coming years, he says.
Despite the common misconception
that Russia engaged in the Livonian war to gain access to the Baltic sea,
Shumeyko points out, in fact, Ivan the Terrible had already seized the
coastline earlier but he was unable to build any ports there. Having taken Narva in 1558, the tsar was able
to begin 23 years of port trade.
The time of troubles that followed,
however, cost Russia access to the Baltic, and Russia had ports there only
after the victories of Peter the Great. But as late as the 19th
century, some of the ports in non-Russian parts of the empire such as Tallinn
were doing almost as much business as St. Petersburg.
“For the USSR of the 1930s, geography
made the tasks practically the same as they were for Russia in the 1990s,”
Shumeyko continues. Leningrad was hemmed
in, and the Baltic ports were in independent countries. But in 1940, the USSR occupied Estonia,
Latvia and Lithuania and could use their ports as its own. Only in 1991 was the older geography
restored.
In one sense, however, the situation
of Russia in the 1990s was worse because the first secretary of the Estonian
communist party convinced Leonid Brezhnev to build a port in Estonia rather
than construct one in Ust-Luga as the Soviet government had planned. As a
result, Estonia was ahead; and Russia even further behind.
Moreover, because of its economic
difficulties after 1991, many Russian analysts urged Moscow not to spend money
on Ust-Luga, something that along with an interest in supporting Kaliningrad kept
the Russian port near St. Petersburg from being developed in a serious way
until about a decade ago.
Since then, however, Shumeyko says,
the port has grown by leaps and bounds – he provides a detailed discussion of the
deepening of the harbor and its access and the provision of facilities for
multiple kinds of goods and raw materials to be shipped. Now, he suggests, the port is ready to be
used for Moscow’s geopolitical purposes.
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