Paul Goble
Staunton,
December 2 – The issue of whether the Kryashens are a separate nationality or
simply Volga Tatars who have converted to Russian Orthodoxy is a longstanding
one. Many who identify as Kryashens insist that they are a nation because their
culture is distinct from the Tatars, while many Tatars say they aren’t but
rather a religious subgroup of their own nation.
In
the last two decades, the Tatars have had a particular reason to insist on that
view: Some in Moscow have sought to promote the existence of the Kryashens as a
separate nation in order to reduce the size of the Tatars, the second largest
nation within the current borders of the Russian Federation.
And
many Tatars have pointed to the fact that in many cases, those who insist that
the Kryashens are a distinct nationality work closely with Russian ethnographers
and Russian national activists rather than participating in more independent
non-Russian organizations and activities.
In the 1926 Soviet census, the most
open enumeration in the history of the country but one in which many groups not
subsequently counted as nationalities were, 100,000 people identified as Kryashen.
In the 2010 Russian census, 35,000 did so, although some ethnographers in
Moscow and some Kryashens in the Middle Volga insist there are more than
200,000 in all.
Because
the Kryashens exist at the intersection of ethnicity, religion and politics,
this debate isn’t likely to disappear anytime soon, leaving open whether the
Kryashens will ultimately gain official sanction as a nation or whether they
will view themselves as part of the Tatar nation instead.
Now,
a Kryashen leader, Arkady Fokin, the president of the Council of Veterans of
the Kryashen Movement, has weighed into the debate but in a manner that will
likely intensify the debate rather than resolve it. Indeed, while he insists the
Kryashen are a separate nation, Fokin gives Tatars more reasons to say they are
not (idelreal.org/a/29605049.html).
At the end of last
month, the Kryashen activist spoke at the Society of Russian Culture of the
Republic of Tatarstan, a group that is committed to promoting the Russian
language, Orthodox religion, and Russian identity there rather than one noted
for its tolerance and support of ethnic diversity at least among those who are
Orthodox.
In his speech, Fokin repeated many
of the arguments that Kryashens and their supporters have made in the past: the
censuses don’t fully count the Kryashens because of the machinations of the Tatars,
the Tatars are engaged in the Tatarization of the Kryashens, and the Kryashen
language is more different from Tatar than Tatar is from Bashkir.
Moreover, he says that “the
Nagaybaks are a Cossack stratum of the Kryashens. They do not deny that,” he
says; “they call themselves Kryashens. But now it turns out that [in the view
of the Tatars] that the [roughly 8,000] Kryashen-Nagaybaks are a people but the
Kryashens are not.” In fact, that is a matter of dispute among
Cossacks, Russians and Tatars.
But the most interesting concession
Fokin made, one that might have pleased his Russian Orthodox audience but that
provides support for the Tatar view about Kryashens, is the following. He says
that the issue of getting Kryashens to join Orthodox parishes is more difficult
for them than for Russians because there are only six churches using the
Kryashen language.
Fokin says that Kryashen activists
like himself “consider that the chief condition for the survival of the Kryashens
as a people must be their inclusion in parish life. If we Kryashens are cut off
from the church and from Orthodoxy … this Orthodox people will cease to exist 20
to 30 tears from now” because it will be absorbed either by the Tatars or the
Russians.
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