Paul Goble
December
15 – The decision of the Ingush teips to convene a shariat court on the issue
of the September 26 border accord and to invite deputies from the Ingush
republic legislature is “an unprecedented development” in the post-Soviet space
and fraught with dangers for large swaths of the country, Aleksey Malashenko
says (kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/329188/).
“If the Ingush
decide that Islamic laws are higher than secular ones, then such courts could
appear in Daghestan and then in Tatarstan,” the Russian orientalists who leads
the research section of the Moscow Dialogue of Civilizations Institute. It
would be better for all concerned if the deputies do not take part in any
shariat hearing.
But the deputies will have a hard
time saying no on their own given that there is a long-standing tradition for them
to take part in such discussions.
Yunus-Bek Yevkurov cannot play any role in such a hearing because he has
been excluded from the Islamic umma by the Muslim Spiritual Directorte (MSD).
Malashenko says that the shariat
court will follow the normal patter: the kadis will ask each person involved in
the dispute to respond after searing on the Koran that he will not lie. What makes this particular case unique is
that it involves a dispute with the republic parliament. No outcome will be
easy to reach.
The Ingush spiritual leadership has already come out in
support of the opponents of the border accord, he points out; and as a result, the
participants in the shariat court will be inclined to take the same position.
Akhmet
Yarlykapov, a specialist on the North Caucasus at MGIMO, points out that the
Russian government doesn’t consider a shariat court as having authority over secular
institutions. And because the court has
no ability to enforce its decisions, that limits its ability to moral suasion.
In this particular case, that may prove significant.
“There
are precedents,” he continues, “when decisions of a shariat court in the
regions have been recognized by particular structures, but there one is
speaking about a consensus of the population and the authorities. I am not certain,”
Yarlykapov says, “that such a situation exists in Ingushetia.” And that complicates matters.
Meanwhile,
over the last 24 hours, there were three other developments involving the
disputed border accord:
·
First, the Yevkurov
government has put pressure on businesses to fire two opposition activists.
Each said that it was clear that the republic head was directly involved and had
been pressuring their employers for some time. It seems likely others will lose
their jobs as a result of the same repressive tactic (kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/329199/ and kavkazr.com/a/davit-lichno-evkurov/29656459.html).
·
Second, Muslim leaders in Ingushetia
have come together to memorialize the two Ingush who lost their lives in the
recent bombing and to use the occasion to unite in opposition to the republic
government over the border issue (kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/329192/ and kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/329182/).
·
And
third, two experts, Margarita Lange of the Guild of Interethnic Journalists and
Yekaterina Sokiryanskaya of the Center for the Analysis and Prevention of Conflicts
say that the failure of the authorities to release more information about the clash
in the Kabardino-Balkaria jail between Ingush and Chechens has led not only increased
the antagonism the population feels toward the authorities but sparked rumors
that are flowing unchecked (kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/329195/).
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