Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 8 – “Lord, make me a
Nenets!” Russian national democrat Sergey Sergeyev, the author of the Russian
Nation or the Story of the History of Its Absence,” says in response to the
Nenets Autonomous District being the only federal subject to vote against Putin’s
constitutional amendments.
Sergeyev’s humor, commentator Vadim
Sidorov points out, draws on the famous remark of General Yermolov who
conquered the Caucasus for Russia. On returning to St. Petersburg, he said “Lord,
make me a German!” in recognition of the fact that in the Russian Empire being
German was more prestigious than being Russian (region.expert/nao/).
Another joke from the past has also
been updated after the Nentsy voted as they did. It is now said by many
Russians that “what is good for a Russian is death for a Nenets,” an
observation like Sergeyev’s that contains more than a small dollop of truth. Indeed,
a close examination of the vote in their district says far more than these anecdotes
capture.
Members of the Nenets nation form
only 18 percent of the population of the Nenets Autonomous District. Most of
them voted against the amendments to protest plans to eliminate their own political
unit by folding it into the Arkhangelsk Oblast. But what is significant,
Sidorov says, is that many non-Nenets residents voted against the amendments as
well.
The Nenets simply aren’t numerous
enough to account for the result. And what it thus shows is not so much an
ethnic protest but rather the rise of “a clearly expressed regional identity,”
one in which even “the Slavic majority” displayed “a clear regional-political
patriotism.”
That should serve notice to both the
Putin regime and its opponents that those in the republics and regions who
voted against the Kremlin did so not on ethnic grounds or at least not on
ethnic grounds alone. In the Nenets AD, it was “’the political Nenetsy,” Russians
who supported the region, who provided the basis for the majority against
Putin.
“By insisting on the preservation of
the independence of the Nenets AD, its Russian residents did not demand taking
away from its name the ethnic component” that continues to offend many “’fighters
against ethnocracies’” in the Russian capital and elsewhere, Sidorov suggests.
To be sure, he continues, in the
Nenets AD, “there really is no ‘oppression of ethnic Russians.” But what is
more important is that they displayed no interest in but rather clear
opposition to those who would homogenize the country and eliminate all ethnically
defined republics and regions.
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