Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 28 – President Vladimir
Putin opposes the introduction of a visa regime with the Central Asian
countries because he is still “living with the illusions” that the Commonwealth
of Independent States of which they are members continues to exist and can
serve as the basis for some broader and deeper Russian-led entity.
But the weakness of the Russian
Federation, the actions of China and the European Union, and the interests and attitudes
of the governments and peoples of the former Soviet republics now part of that
organization mean, Moscow’s New Times
suggests that “the CIS de facto does
not exist” anymore (newtimes.ru/articles/detail/72967).
In a 4,000-word article in the
current issue of the week, Sergey Khazaov, Konstantin Shiyan, Boris Yudanov, and
Viktoriya Charochkina survey the situation in all of these countries and call
attention to some common themes which challenge Putin’s assumptions about the
CIS and its future.
In all these countries, economic
investment from the European Union and/or China is playing an ever greater role
both absolutely and relative to that coming from the Russian Federation. In
some cases, such as Kazakhstan, China has largely displaced Russia in this
regard; and in others, such as Ukraine and Moldova, national elites hope the EU
will.
That underlying economic shift – and
the article features lists of investment proects by country, maps showing where
these investments are coming from, and explanations as to why Russian investment
in these countries is falling behind – helps to explain a re-orientation of
elites and masses in these states away from Moscow and toward Beijing or
Brussels.
Four of the five countries in
Central Asia now have more trade with China than they do with Russia, a
remarkable if not always much reported development. And the countries of the
former Soviet West and the southern Caucasus are, again with the exceptions of
Belarus and Armenia, increasingly diverse in their trade partners as well.
This change in turn has happened so
quickly and so dramatically that it has led Moscow to take dramatic measures to
try to hold these countries in its orbit, including the introduction of trade
restrictions, threats to raise oil and gas prices, and exclusion of
gastarbeiterss from these countries.
But to judge from the New Times survey, these Russian actions
are having exactly the opposite effect that the Kremlin wants: they are
reminding these countries of how Moscow has behaved toward what it views as
naturally its own in the past, and they are driving these countries ever further
away from it into the welcoming arms of China and the EU.
At least some in these countries
would like to remain close to Russia, but Russia attitudes are pushing them
away too. As one Ukrainian official noted, Russian representatives have acted
as if Ukraine has no choice but to stay with Russia, thereby making it ever
more likely that Ukrainians will try to find a different one.
Perhaps the most interesting aspect
of this article, however, concerns what Russians are having to pay to maintain
Putin’s “illusions.” The New Times pointsto the burden the CIS
and other post-Soviet institutions now put on the Russian taxpayers, implicitly
suggesting Russians are not getting what they are paying for and virtually
inviting them to oppose this approach.
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