Paul Goble
Staunton, December 26 -- In order to counter Russian propaganda, "there need to be established corresponding centers of information resistance in Ukraine which can monitor the airwaves around the clock and show how [its] falsifications are created," according to Andrey Illarionov.
Such centers, the Russian analyst says, must be able to identify the false attribution of pictures or invented reportage and show how they are combined with accurate information so that Ukrainians will be in a position to understand and thus be immune to what Moscow is doing. "There is no other way out. This must be a form of defense and information resistance" (ru.krymr.com/content/article/26762630.html).
To a great extent, the Washington-based commentator continues, Ukraine must
proceed the way a doctor does when he is examining someone with an infection: “one
needs a mask and a means of protecting himself. Otherwise, the infection
spreads and penetrates the brain of the individual.”
Illarionov’s
suggestion comes in the course of an interview in which he discussed both new
American legislation calling for assistance to Ukraine – legislation that he
suggests the Obama Administration will be in no hurry to implement – and Petr
Pomerantsev’s argument in the New York Times that “the ideology of Russia is
that truth does not exist.”
That
is “an exaggeration,” Illarionov says, but Pomerantsev is “right” that the
propaganda model Putin has armed himself with is “quite effective. “Its essence
is that there is nothing real; it is only what appears to be the case. Thus,
doubt can be cast on any fact.” And in the current media environment that is
enough because it keeps people from reaching final conclusions.
He
gives as example such questions as “are Russian forces participating in the war
against Ukraine or was the Malaysian plane shot down by a Buk missile, or where
there ‘little green men’ in Crimea.” “All
that was needed” not so much to create an alternative reality as to ensure that
people remained in doubt about what the truth in fact is.
Illarionov
suggests that Ukrainians and the West must begin by recognizing that many of
those from Moscow whom they are accustomed to call journalists are anything
but. Such people are not practicing journalism; they are officers in an
information war whose job it is to spread disinformation and thus doubt.
But
calling them that is not enough, he suggests, and his proposal for the
establishment of what he calls centers of information resistance is thus
intriguing. As specialists on
disinformation have long observed, disinformation to be effective is not
totally false. Indeed, it may be 99 percent true, with only the one percent
designed to mislead people.
That
makes it extremely difficult for those who do not focus on it professionally
and constantly to keep track of what is true and what is not because if someone
criticizes this or that propaganda piece, defenders of that propaganda can and
do always respond by pointing out how much truth there is in it and how much
doubt there is about the rest.
Could
centers of information resistance counter this? They could be extremely useful
in the current context given the web of truth, half-truth and lies that Putin
and his supporters have woven. But the problem is deeper than even Illarionov
suggests, and it is a problem for which there is no immediate solution.
At
a time when many in the media confuse objectivity with balance, the tragedy is
that the accurate information put out by such centers would be presented by
many journalists as simply another point of view in a larger debate rather than
as a correction of Russian distortions and lies.
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