Paul Goble
Staunton,
April 4 – When a leader or his spokesman has to deny the obvious, that is a
good indication that the obvious has become a problem. And that appears to be what is happening now
that Vladimir Putin’s press aide has denied that the appointment of the sons
and relatives of powerful people to posts is in any way an anomaly.
Reacting
to questions about the appointment of Andrey Patrushev, the son of the Security
Council secretary, to be deputy general director of Gazprom Nefti, Dmitry
Peskov said that he “would not agree with the notion that this was some kind of
anomalous situation” that is in any way a problem.
There are
far more people in such positions whose relatives do not occupy high posts, the
press aide continued, and there are many sons and daughters of those whose
relatives do who don’t have senior jobs in government, non-government, or mixed
businesses. Consequently, those with relatives who do get such jobs are doing
so because of their qualifications and talent.
But
Anatoly Baranov, chief editor of Forum-MSK.org, says that the increasing number
of people with family connections who are getting top jobs in Russia is
something no one can credibly deny and that for Russians, traditionally concerned
about justice, “the Kremlin’s nepotism is more annoying than sodomy” (forum-msk.org/material/news/10768362.html).
As
Baranov points out, there are numerous cases where sons, daughters, brothers,
sisters and other relatives of senior people have gotten other top jobs without
any particular qualifications except for those links. And if one extends this
to the old friends of top leaders, the situation is even worse.
Among the examples he offers is the fact that of the 13 members of the board of
directors of Gazprom Nefti, three are relatives of more senior people and ten
are Leningraders like Putin. Isn’t this exactly “an anomaly” Baranov asks. And
he suggests another reason why senior people are now installing their children
and friends in such positions.
As a
result of a recent Russian government decision, these people are being allowed
to keep their incomes secret even though they are supposed to be “’effective
managers’” for the people and government of Russia. That hides some of this corruption, he says,
but it can’t hide the problem from Russians.
Why? Because
the older declarations when such officials were still required to declare their
incomes remain, and anyone who thinks about it will recognize that these people
are still doing very, very well, even though the average Russian has seen his
income decline precipitously over the last year.
And such
reflections, he suggests, are likely to prove more corrosive of the Kremlin’s
authority than any of those in power may want to believe and undermine that
authority even as the Putin regime tries to distract attention from the
increasingly corrupt way in which it is behaving.
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