Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 31 – Many commentators
have suggested that Vladimir Putin is expressing outrage about the corruption
charges the US has brought against FIFA because of his fear that these cases
will be used to deprive Russia of its hosting of the 2018 World Cup competition,
an event that Putin hopes will win him even more plaudits than the Sochi Games.
But Ukrainian commentator Vitaly
Portnikov suggests that the Kremlin leader may have an even more powerful
motive for condemning the FIFA arrests: trials in Western courts of those
involved could expose his own corruption and that of those around him and thus
threaten his hold on power (liga.net/opinion/236655_gde-u-nego-knopka-pochemu-putin-tak-vzvolnovan-situatsiey-v-fifa.htm?no_mobile_version=yes).
He points out that the arrests of
FIFA officials may become “only the beginning of the collapse of a gigantic
corrupt pyramid build by soccer barons over the last decades and transforming a
popular form of sport into a real zone where everything goes.” That has the potential to threaten Russia’s
role of host in 2018.
But such arrests and trials in
Western courts may lead to something far more serious, and that is why Putin
and his entourage are reacting so emotionally even though so far they have not
made any reference to these larger outcomes, the Ukrainian commentator says.
The reasons for this pattern lie in “the psychology of the Russian leader and
of those who surrounding him.
“These people are not agitated at
all by accusations concerning the annexation of Crimea or the unleashing of war
in the Donbas. In their system of coordinates, those things are only politics.
The Americans fight in Iraq; we do so in Ukraine … The Americans forced the
Serbs to give up Kosovo; we have forced the Ukrainians to do the same in
Crimea.”
In their view, Russia is a great
power and if the Americans can do something so can they. Anyone who suggests
otherwise is engaged in “double standards.” Moreover, they are convinced that
as long as they hold power in their hands, no one will punish them for such
actions. They would be at risk only if they lost power.
But criminal cases are “an entirely
different thing.” They are something that Putin and his entourage “fear like
fire” because despite “all their self-confidence, Russian rulers like the leaders
of any other developing country headed by a corrupt military band are firmly
integrated in the Western world. There is their money, property, children and
services.”
To be sure, Portnikov continues,
they understand that “against a particular group of people may be introduced
political sanctions which can then be lifted, but criminal prosecution remains
outside of political conflict.” And consequently, for such elites, Putin’s
among them, it is “not comme il faut.”
Such elites have
enough self-awareness, Portnikov says, that “they understand that in the
contemporary world, they are not masters but petty thieves … and if in politics
they can show their weight with the help of death, then in ordinary life they
have nothing to oppose criminal prosecution in the West, except perhaps for
war.”
Putin has particular
reason to understand this equation, the Ukrainian commentator says, because he
rose to power because he unlike others in Boris Yeltsin’s circle showed himself
able to prevent the first Russian president from having to face the criminal
charges that Yeltsin himself feared most.
“Now a similar
danger threatens Putin himself or those closest to him,” and that is why he and
his regime are reacting so sharply to the FIFA arrests, Portnikov says, adding
that the whole case shows something else as well: “In the West, they understand
where his button is” and how to push it.
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