Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 28 – Vladimir
Putin’s rehabilitation of the repressed peoples of Crimea and his statement
that his goal is to create a situation in which “every people and every citizen
[in Russia] can feel at home” has prompted a long-time leader of the Russian
Germans to call on Putin to complete the rehabilitation of that people and
restore a German Autonomous Republic.
In an appeal released on the 74th
anniversary of Stalin’s abolition of the German ASSR and the deportation of
ethnic Germans from the Middle Volga, Hugo Wormsbecher argues that the time has
come to resolve this longstanding issue once and for all (nazaccent.ru/content/17375-pod-lichnyj-kontrol-prezidenta.html).
The “’rehabilitation’” issue has
been on the table since the moment Moscow deported the Russian Germans,
Wormsbecher suggests. He points out that Stalin took this action because he had
been told, without any evidence, that the ethnic Germans inside the USSR
included “tens of thousands” of spies and agents.
The working age population among
them were put in “a labor army,” and then after the war, they and all the other
ethnic Germans became exiled special settlers.
“In 1957, when the other repressed peoples restored their republics, the
Germans were not allowed to,” at least in part because the regions and
republics to which they had been sent did not want to lose such good workers.
Those restrictions, Wormsbecher
says, were lifted in 1965 when Soviet officials acknowledged that Stalin’s
charges were baseless. Then, in 1972, the prohibition against returning home
was also annulled – with one exception, the Germans were not allowed to go back
to the places from which they had been exiled.
Seven years later, without
consulting the Kazakhs, Moscow decided to create a German autonomy in
Kazakhstan, but that only provoked “harsh anti-German actions.” Even worse was
to come in 1989 during perestroika when Moscow decided to restore a German ASSR
in the Middle Volga. People there responded with slogans like “Better AIDS than a German autonomy.” That
killed the project for the Soviet period.
After 1991, Boris Yeltsin proposed
that the Germans settle on a military base after picking up the mines. Perhaps,
he said, “Germany will help” do that. In
1992, Moscow and Berlin signed a cooperation protocol which anticipated the
formation of a commission to examine the restoration of the German autonomy.
But now, 23 years on, nothing has happened on that front.
“However,” the German activist says,
“Russia has all the same awoken from its coma, freed itself a little from
external and internal ‘consultants,’ restored its ability to life and its
authority in the world,” and that, he suggests, means that the hopes of the Russian
Germans for justice may now be closer to realization.
Wormsbecher points in particular to
Putin’s decision to create a Federal Agency for Nationality Affairs and his
promise to end all the consequences of deportation for the formerly repressed
peoples of Crimea, yet another way that Moscow’s intervention there is having a
blowback effect within the Russian Federation.
Russian Germans hope that this time,
Moscow will go beyond adopting a law on rehabilitation and then declaring that “no
republic ‘will ever be,’” that it will not keep saying “the population is
against” the idea, and will not say there are too few Germans either in the
region or in the country to form an autonomy after doing what it could to drive
them out.
Is it really the case that there are
too few Germans remaining to have an autonomy? Wormsbecher asks rhetorically.
There are at least 400,000 – and that is more than the German autonomy had
before being suppressed. Adding to that figure the number of Germans in other
CIS countries and the understatement of their number in censuses, there are “at
a minimum” 1.5 million Russian Germans.
Moreover, some Russian Germans who
went to Germany may want to return, he says.
“Is it not time for President Putin
to take under his personal supervision the issue of the rehabilitation of
Russian Germans? And to get involved in that process not those ‘Germans’ who
for years have made a business by opposing rehabilitation but rather those who
really are for it in the interests of the country?”
If that happens, Wormsbecher says, “then
Russian Germans will be able at last to again return to their role as the trusted third ally of Russia,
comparable in importance to its army and fleet, in the construction of the
unity of its people. A unity, without which, as history shows, even the army
and the fleet are not able to save the country from catastrophe.”
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