Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 8 – The experience
of Belarus shows that any country bordering Russia that agrees to make Russian
a second state language puts its own language in danger and its population at
risk of russification, according to Laris Masenko, a Ukrainian philologist at
Kyiv’s Mohylev Academy.
And that is why, she says in an
interview with Radio Liberty’s Ukrainian Service, Ukraine must not ever agree
to giving Russian the status of an official or state language but rather insist
that on its territory there is only one government language and that is
Ukrainian
Since medieval times, the Ukrainian
philologist points out, the Belarusian and Ukrainian languages have diverged,
and as a result, “now the Belarusian language is in a much worse situation than
the Ukrainian, although the situation of Ukrainian is one that cannot be
considered satisfactory.”
In the 1920s, both language
developed rapidly, but then the situation began to deteriorate with
Soviet-sponsored russification. And that has continued since the two countries
gained their independence, especially since “the Belarusians adopted Russian as
a state language,” a step that has left their own language in much worse shape.
Exactly how bad things were with
regard to the Ukrainian language under the Soviets is not well documented
because no socio-linguistic investigations were permitted until very near the
end of the USSR. Only in the 1980s did a group at the Institute of Linguistics
emerge; but its researchers in fact promoted russification, Masenko says.
For example, she recalls, they
conducted a survey ostensibly to find out about Ukrainian language knowledge
but in fact “asked questions in order to determine how well [Ukrainians] had
mastered Russians. Moreover, in every university were set up chairs for the
Russian language. “Why should there have been so many researchers on Russian in
Ukraine?”
At present, the state of Ukrainian
is “worse” in the major industrial cities, but “the smaller the population
center, the higher the percentage of people who consider the Ukrainian language
to be their native tongue and use it; in the villages, the percentage is higher
still,” she reports.
“In general,” the philologist
continues, “the consciousness of people can be defined by the language which
they consider to be native. If even a Russian-speaking individual considers
Ukrainian to be his native language, this is the beginning stage as people
recognize their attachment to the Ukrainian language.”
“But if a Russian-speaking ethnic Ukrainian
considers his native language to be Russian, then this individual is lost” to
the nation, Masenko says. “Often such
people are even more aggressive than Russian-speaking Russians,” as for
example, Putin’s colleagues Valentina Matvienko and Dmitry Kozak who “are
helping to destroy the Ukrainian state.”
“The most important thing that the
Ukrainian language has received in the years of independence is state status.”
Enormous progress has been made in education with the shifting of schools from
Russian to Ukrainian even in Kyiv, where there were no objections to such a
change.
But Ukraine has failed to do what
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have done and establish a state agency charged
with protecting and promoting the language.
Were one in place, lectures in many universities would not still be
given in Russian and there would be more Ukrainian in all parts of public life.
At least, however, “a generation
which understands Ukrainian and masters it has grown up” since 1991. Very few
of these people can say that they “do not know Ukrainian” at all – and that is
progress. There has also been progress in high and mass culture, although most
of this took place in the 1990s and there has been less since.
“From the middle of the 1990s, we in
fact transferred the main means of mass culture – television – to a position
under the influence of Russia. All our channels belong to oligarchs, and they
conduct their own policy. Here very
large losses have occurred” with many associating Ukrainian with compulsion and
entertainment with Russian.
Despite this, there has been
progress especially among the young, but not nearly enough – and no one should
comfort himself with the notion that there are Russian speaking Ukrainian
patriots. There are indeed some, but there are many Russian speakers who are
not – and who hold Ukraine and the Ukrainian language back.
Ukrainians have not “unified education
and culture, and Russia uses this,” given its “enormous tradition of
falsification” and the alike. And Moscow
exploits the fact that many grew up in Soviet times when Russian was dominant.
Changing that is hard. As one artist put it, changing cultures is not as easy
as changing buses.
And because Ukraine is a democracy,
it faces difficulties in this regard that authoritarian states do not. But that also gives it advantages, and
Ukrainians who care about their language and nation must exploit them by being
flexible enough to allow change to emerge organically rather than by fiat.
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