Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 1 – Not just the
opponents of Russia but its allies among the former Soviet republics seek to
build support for their independent existence by attacking everything Russian,
knowing that Moscow will respond to attacks on Soviet things but not on attacks
of the actions of the Russian Empire, according to Moscow historian Sergey
Volkov.
The Russian leadership today, he
argues is a continuation not of the Russian Empire but of its antithesis, the
USSR, in which any struggle against the empire and ‘tsarism’ social or national
was welcomed and celebrated, an assessment” which the historian incorrectly
says, ‘was never officially changed (lenta.ru/articles/2017/10/31/mutiny_1916/).
As a result, Volkov says, when the
former Soviet republics attack anything Soviet, Moscow goes into hysterics; but
when they attack something from the tsarist past, the Russian reaction is much calmer
or even non-existent. The leaders of the republics have learned that lesson.
Those who want to remain friendly
with Moscow focus on the latter and avoid doing too much of the former, while
those whose existence is based on hostility to Moscow, such as Estonia, Latvia,
Lithuania, Georgia, and Ukraine, do both but do not refrain from doing the
former.
As Volkov pointedly notes, “the
authorities in these countries are not fools: they are practical and know very
well that no one in the Russian Federation will say to them: we are the heirs
of the Russian Empire, and if you show in some way your hostility to it, we
will consider this and review our relations with you.”
That is very clearly shown, the
historian suggests, in Moscow’s reaction to attacks on tsarist policies in 1916
in Central Asia. “If the Russian leadership wanted to associate itself with old
Russia, it would have to respond. But those celebrating the uprising know very
well that Russia will be silent.”
In Moscow, Volkov continues, “the
authorities look at all this not from the point of view of the interests of
traditional Russian statehood but as heirs of the Soviet-communist regime … and
more than anything else fear being accused of ‘great power’ attitudes and ‘imperialism.’
They thus prefer to remain quiet.”
In this way, however, Moscow opens
the way for these countries and their officials to separate themselves from
Russia and even to come to hate the former metropolitan center and its
people. And the Russian government needs
to recognize that the same thing will happen in regions within Russia should
they become independent.
“If Arkhengelsk oblast should
secede, then books would appear saying that the Pomors are not ethnic Russians
and that Moscow has oppressed them.” The same thing would be true even in “purely
ethnic Russian regions” that might break off. They too would go back to the imperial
past and find a basis for their identity in opposition to Moscow.
Efforts to present the Russian
Federation as the heir of both the Russian Empire and the USSR are “laughable,”
Volkov says. Those two countries were “absolute ideological antheses” of each
other: “the USSR not only completely denied succession from the empire but
based its existence on opposing and hating it.”
As a result, and as the non-Russians
appear to understand better than the Russians, Russia today descends “only from
the USSR.” Unless than changes, the non-Russian regimes will continue to
promote anti-Russian ideas even as they generally avoid the anti-Soviet ones
that Moscow is certain to get upset about.
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