Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 7 – Iran today resembles
the USSR in its final days, “an ideological regime in collapse;” but the
Iranian protesters are more radically inclined against the ayatollahs than were
Russians against the communists and also more willing than Russians to bear
their share of responsibility for the regime they hope to overthrow, Avraam Shmulevich
says.
In an article on the After Empire
portal and in an interview with Radio Liberty, the head of Israel’s Eastern
Partnership Institute argues that is the case even if the current upsurge in
protests in Iran is put down for a time (afterempire.info/2018/01/04/night-revolution/
and svoboda.org/a/28956976.html).
Authoritarian regimes “do not fall
by themselves,” and they do not fall when they first face public opposition,
the commentator says. Instead, they collapse as wave after wave of opposition
appears and as their opponents become more radical in their criticisms and in
their demands.
That was true of the Russian Empire
and of the Soviet Union, and it is very much true of Iran now, Shmulyevich
says. “If in 2009, protesters [there] demanded honest elections; now, no one
talks about elections and the chief slogan is death: ‘Death to Khomeini,’ ‘Death
to the Islamic Revolution!’ and so on.”
Like their Russian and Soviet
precursors, the Iranian people see that the regime ruling over them oppresses
the ordinary people while allowing “the golden youth to what it wants.” They
see corruption all around them, with the rulers enriching themselves while the
people suffer ever more.
All this, he continues, is very similar to what was the
case in the Soviet Union in the 1980s.
But
there are some big differences, Shmulyevich says; and those deserve to be
attended to because they show that the Iranians in the streets are more angry
and more committed to real change than were the supporters of perestroika at
the end of Soviet times.
“In
Iran, there is a real demand for democracy. People who are now going into the
streets of Iranian cities really want freedom and really want the establishment
of a normal democratic society. In Russia, there [was and] is no such demand.”
Instead, there is a demand for another but “good tsar” to rule over the people.
The
Iranians protesting now are talking “precisely about the complete destruction
of the existing system. One of the slogans
[they are marching under holds] ‘we were wrong when we made the Islamic
Revolution.’ Such repentance and recognition
of their own errors and that it necessary to go in another way does not exist
in Russia now and did not in the early 1990s.”
What
is happening in Iran now is a genuinely popular rising. No outside forces can
get hundreds of thousands of people to go into the streets, although the
current Iranian regime like all authoritarian ones elsewhere “accuses external
forces” in order to try to mobilize patriotic feelings on its behalf.
Another
way Iran is both similar to and different from the late Soviet Union is that in
Iran today there are “quite powerful ethnic conflicts” and the existence of “at
a minimum three national liberation movements – the Kurds, the Beluchi, and the
Arabs” – not to mention the Azerbaijanis.
And
the Iranian demonstrators can expect to gain the backing of many in the outside
world not only because of their commitments to democracy and freedom, Shmulyevich
says, but also because “in Iran is the very lowest level of anti-Semitism among
the populations in the Middle East.”
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