Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 8 – Since communism
collapsed in Eastern Europe in 1989 and in the Soviet space in 1991, those
countries which recognized the communist period as one of foreign occupation
have been far more successful in breaking with the past than have those who
viewed the Soviet/communist period as part of their national histories.
The countries which had been members
of the Warsaw Pact in almost every case viewed their communist periods as an
occupation by the Soviet Union, as did Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, whom the
Soviets had viewed as legitimately part of the USSR but whom the citizens of
the three and most Western governments did not.
The Russian Federation and the
former Yugoslavia in contrast saw the communist system as one their ancestors
had established and did not break with it, and the other former Soviet
republics generally went along lest they spark anger in Moscow or within significant
parts of their populations.
(There were some intermediate cases,
like Azerbaijan, which viewed itself as the continuation of the Azerbaijani Democratic
Republic suppressed by Soviet troops but did not explicitly label the Soviet
period as an occupation. Over time, several other post-Soviet states have moved
in that direction.).
A major reason that some in these
countries are thinking about declaring the Soviet period an occupation is that
they can see that those countries which have done so have found it far easier
to dispense with the communist past. Few, despite Russian obsessions, have expected
that they would ever receive compensation.
Now, this issue has been joined in
Ukraine. Vladimir Vyatrovich, the head
of the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory, has declared that Ukraine must
recognize the period it was within the USSR as “’an occupation’” by the Soviet
regime in Moscow (ura.news/news/1052319006).
According to the historian,
the Ukrainian government needs to declare itself the legal successor of the Ukrainian
Peoples Republic which existed between 1917 and 1921. If it does so, Vyatrovich
says, it will be easier for Ukrainians to see that they were occupied by a
foreign power between 1921 and 1991 and easier too to dispense with things that
power imposed.
Not surprisingly, his proposal has
sparked outrage in Moscow and among some in Ukraine who say it is “fake”
history and as a prelude to Ukraine making demands for reparations. (See ru.sputniknewslv.com/columnists/20180108/6968916/prizrak-okkupacii-ukraine-latvia.html, stockinfocus.ru/2018/01/08/mif-o-sovetskoj-okkupacii-vzorvyot-ukrainu/
and svpressa.ru/politic/article/190013.)
And also not
surprisingly, Vyatrovich’s proposal almost certainly will be opposed by other
countries and by many in Ukraine as a step that would only make resolving
issues arising out of the Russian Federation’s Anschluss of Crimea and continuing
intervention in the Donbass more difficult.
But the
historian’s idea contains within it more than a kernel of truth; and
consequently, even if it is not adopted officially as it is unlikely to be, it
will inform the thinking of ever more Ukrainians and may make it easier for
them to press for those steps necessary to escape the system that Moscow in
fact did impose upon their ancestors.
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