Paul Goble
Staunton,
July 16 – Caught between the demands of the Kremlin which decides whether they
will be in office and the opposing views of their populations that could make
their time there easy or difficult, Russia’s governors are simultaneously
telling Moscow they support the pension plan but asking it to exempt their own
populations people from its provisions.
Novaya gazeta commentator Tatyana
Vasilchuk says that “the regions formally support the pension reform” as they
really have no other choice in Russia today “but they are demanding exemptions
for their residents,” exemptions that would gut the proposed law but calm some
who are protesting the legislation (novayagazeta.ru/articles/2018/07/16/77178-odobrenie-stroptivyh).
The Kremlin has
been keeping careful track of support by regional officials and especially
governors and legislatures. Two-thirds
have declared that they support the proposed boost in the retirement age, a
figure that is not surprising and even not that impressive given that United
Russia controls these positions and legislatures.
But much more interesting, Vasilchuk
says, is that even those who have declared their support of the measure have
caveated it with requests for exemptions for this or that group of the
population, often of people who form a key element of the electorate and many
of whom are completely opposed to the Kremlin measure.
“For example,” she continues, “the
deputies of Chukotka supported the regime, but asked that there be an exception
for all Northern peoples who should be allowed to retire at the current ages
rather than the new ones.” The same thing happened in the Nenets AO and in
Primorsky Kray.
In the last, the legislators asked
that Moscow take into consideration the specifics of their region; and as
regional specialist Natalya Zubarevich observes, they did not do so in “Aesopian
language” but made the argument directly – we’ve been supporting what you want;
you mustn’t undermine us with by raising the pension age.
Moscow political analyst Mikhail Vinogradov
calls this behavior by the regions “a forced improvisation.” The regional politicians can’t afford to
offend Moscow or their own populations; and so they are trying to find a middle
way, declaring support over all but gutting the meaning of those declarations
by demanding exceptions.
How long they can maintain this
balance is uncertain, he and the Petersburg Politics Foundation say. On the one
hand, Moscow is certain to come down hard on those who oppose it; but on the
other, regional elites who don’t show they are listening to the population are
going to face even more massive protests in the future.
One indication of the dilemma of
such political figures is that Moscow appears to be allowing those who face the
voters in September to avoid having to make a public declaration in support of the
pension law, an indication that the Kremlin itself recognizes just how
explosive this measure is in Russia today.
If the protests peter out, the regional
officials will almost certainly fall in line with what Moscow wants; but if the
protests become larger, it is entirely possible that the political figures in the
region will decide that their best course is to side with the population and oppose
increasing the pension age.
The decision of regional politicians
to take a middle course – and the Novaya gazeta journalist lists numerous
examples across the country – suggest that they want to be able to jump in
either direction depending on developments. That in itself is a new kind of
regional politics in Russia, one not seen at least so dramatically ever before.
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