Paul Goble
Staunton,
March 10 – Moscow has made a concerted effort to present the Crimean Tatars as
simply a branch of Tatars who happen to live on the Russian-occupied peninsula
and thus do not have the legitimate right to separate national self-determination,
an approach that unfortunately is sometimes copied by international organizations.
Many
Crimean Tatars are uncomfortable with “Crimean Tatar” as a designator because
it implies links to other Tatars that do not exist and are pushing for the
self-designator Krymtsi, a term stressing
their ties to their land but that leads to confusion with the Krymchaks, another minority there which
speaks a related language but professes Judaism not Islam.
All
of this has given rise to debates among Crimean Tatars about what they want to
be called and why (hromadske.radio/publications/krymcy-krymchaky-yly-krymskye-tatary-kak-pravylno-nazyvat-korennoy-narod-poluostrova)
and to the appearance of an important book, Natalia Belitser’s Crimean Tatars as an Indigenous People
(in Ukrainian, Kyiv, 2017).
Belitser, an
expert at Kyiv’s Pylyp Orlyk Institute for Democracy, has now presented her
arguments about the importance of the names given to the Crimean Tatars in detailed
and heavily footnoted English-language article for the Washington, D.C.-based
International Committee for Crimea (iccrimea.org/reports/ct-identity-2019.html).
The key passages of this article are as follows:
Crimean
Tatars: who are they? Are they just a branch of the Tatar people, differing
from the Kazan Tatars or Volga Tatars, only by virtue of the geographical
location? Or, are they a separate nation with its own history, unique cultural,
linguistic, and other characteristics? These questions are not just of interest
for ethnologists, anthropologists or other academics; apart from addressing
theoretical debates, the answers may impact perceptions and have possible legal
ramifications for resolving a whole series of Crimean Tatar issues.
Until the
tragic events of the 20th century, ethnonym ‘Tatars’ was the widely used
designation for Muslim residents of Crimea as well as all other Muslim groups
and peoples in the Russian Empire. It did not conflict with Crimean Tatar
self-identity and was not objectionable to them. But after the en masse deportation of the indigenous Crimean
population under false charges of collaboration with the Nazis, the Crimean
Tatars were flatly denied any mention of their separate ethnicity.
To emphasize
their distinctiveness from other ‘Tatars,’ Crimean Tatar intellectuals and
politicians discussed for years the possible replacement of the ethnonym
‘Crimean Tatars’ with ‘Krymtsi
(Kırımlılar in Crimean Tatar,
which means Crimeans) and have also tried to revive and preserve their own
language, cultural and religious traditions and social institutions.
Fundamental
differences between various groups of Turkic-speaking peoples, often artificially
unified under the common name ‘Tatars,’ are confirmed by the modern science of
molecular biology and molecular genetics which use DNA-analysis to clarify the
genetic origins and genetic relationships within and between groups.
Meanwhile, in
English language literature the names ‘Tatars’ or ‘Tatars of Crimea’ are often
used as synonyms for the ‘Crimean Tatars’, sometimes revealing a preference for
the first option. Moreover, in some publications, a rather derogatory term
‘Tartars’ (from ancient Greek Tartaros
thus assuming them to be ‘Barbarians’) can also be found.
[Moreover,]
the very term ‘indigenous people’ is usually avoided; the Crimean Tatars are
designated instead as belonging to ‘vulnerable minorities’, or ‘national
minorities’, or as a ‘Crimean Tatar community.’ Whereas for such categories, in
contrast to indigenous peoples, any collective rights, first and foremost – the
right for self-determination – are not foreseen in the international human rights
and humanitarian law.
This trend
continues up to the present: for example, in a recent publication on the 5th
anniversary of the annexation of Crimea, the author, while adequately assessing
the whole event, wrote that “Furthermore, Russia has launched a campaign of
persecution and intimidation of the ethnic Tatar community there.” But if the
Crimean Tatars continue to be regarded as belonging to an undifferentiated
Tatar ethnos or as a subjugated ‘minority’ or just a ‘community’ but not an
indigenous ‘people’, it follows that their claims for self-determination in
their homeland Crimea can be neglected, especially given the existence of a
national Republic of Tatarstan – a subject of the Russian Federation.
This
interpretation has been applied by the occupational power in Crimea and the
Russian central authorities. In order to prevent any possibility of providing
‘indigenous status’ for the Crimean Tatars, the Kremlin Presidential
administration commissioned Sergej Sokolovskyj to undertake a special study to
‘prove’ that such a status is not justified not only by the national
legislation but by the international law as well. [His report is discussed at khpg.org/en/index.php?do=print&id=1525533996.]
In Ukraine,
for a long time the efforts to ensure the rights of Crimean Tatars by providing
them with the special status of ‘indigenous people’ remained, alas,
unsuccessful. Legally they continued to be regarded as one of the numerous
‘national minorities’ based on the outdated law ‘On National Minorities of
Ukraine’ (adopted in 1992, and still in force). Official recognition of the
Crimean Tatars as indigenous people occurred only on March 20, 2014 – in other
words, after the occupation and annexation of the Crimean peninsula by the Russian
Federation.
Nevertheless,
in publications and public discussions, the Crimean Tatars have usually been
addressed as the ‘Crimean Tatar people’ thus granting them recognition by
default as a nation and distinguishing them from other ‘minorities’ – including
Armenians, Bulgarians, Germans and Greeks, namely, those ethnic groups formerly
deported from Crimea.
There is a
growing understanding of the major difference between ‘traditional’ national
minorities having their own national states (‘kin-states’) beyond the borders
of their country of residence and citizenship, and the Crimean Tatars with
their history of former statehood (the Crimean Khanate) and the current
situation of a ‘stateless nation’. Unlike national minorities enjoying various
forms of the legitimate support provided by their ‘kin-states,’ the Crimean
Tatars, being a numerical minority in any place of residence, have developed an
acute sense of a constant threat of further assimilation and gradual
‘dissolution’ within the quite distinct, culturally and religiously, majority
population.
Indeed, the
unique Crimean Tatar cultural identity – in the widest sense of the phrase –
can be preserved and further developed only through the concerted efforts of
the people themselves and the Ukrainian state and society, with the active
support of the international community.
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