Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 12 – Despite the
absence of coverage in government-controlled media, the protests in Khabarovsk
continue, and they are being supported by demonstrators in other cities across
the country, a sign that the issues the residents of that city raise are not
restricted to that region but are finding an echo elsewhere.
After yesterday’s unprecedentedly large meeting, Khabarovsk residents
went back into the street today twice, once in the early afternoon and then
again in the evening, with even more radical slogans because they have not received
any response to their demands (sibreal.org/a/30722202.html).
People in other cities in the
Russian Far East and even in European Russia joined them, although there have
not yet been any protests in the capitals (capost.media/news/politika/rallies-and-marches-in-support-of-sergey-furgala-were-held-in-the-cities-of-russia/).
But perhaps the most striking development today has been the radicalization of
opinion in Khabarovsk.
In Vedomosti, commentator
Aleksey Sakhnin said the situation in the Far East was becoming “revolutionary,”
with protesters shouting “This is our kray!” “Moscow, Get Out!” and some about
restoring the Far Eastern Republic which existed between 1920 and 1922 (vedomosti.ru/opinion/articles/2020/07/12/834416-dalnevostochnaya-revolyutsionnaya-situatsiya).
What began as protests against the
removal of their governor, Khabarovsk residents have transformed into something
more and attracted the attention of others across the Russian Far East (govoritmagadan.ru/protesty-v-habarovske-protiv-aresta-gubernatora-s-furgala-prodolzhajutsya-video/).
But by talking about a possible
restoration of the Far Eastern Republic, they beyond doubt have attracted the attention
or and possibly repressive actions by the Russian authorities in the capital
who will see this not only as a violation of the law on the territorial
integrity of the country but a threat to its existence.
That is especially true because it
involves a predominantly ethnic Russian area and consequently Moscow can’t rely
on Russian nationalism alone to provide support for any crackdown. Instead, if
a crackdown does come, Russians will be divided; and that is something that
people in the Kremlin are worried about as well.
(On the complicated and brief life
of the Far Eastern Republic, which existed as a buffer state between the RSFSR
and Japanese-backed groups further east, see Henry Kittredge, The Far Eastern
Republic of Siberia (London, 1923), Canfield Smith, Vladivostok under
Red and White Rule (Seattle, 1975), and Alan Wood, Russia’s Frozen
Frontier (London, 2011) and Ivan Sablin, The Rise and Fall of Russia’s
Far Eastern Republic (London, 2018).)
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