Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 15 – Polish
expressions of support for the Crimean Tatars in their struggle against
pro-Russian groups have attracted a great deal of interest among Russian news
outlets, almost certainly the result of a tendency in Moscow to see any such
Polish actions as an indication that some in Warsaw want to revive the
Promethean ideas of inter-war Poland.
In today’s
“Nezavisimaya gazeta,” Tatyana Ivzhenko recounts the current case, but she
emphasizes a variety of other reasons why Polish human rights activists would
speak out on behalf of the Crimean Tatars rather than talking about Russian
fears of Prometheanism which may lie behind them (www.ng.ru/cis/2013-01-15/6_crym.html).
At the end of last week, Piotr Chlebowicz and Jadwiga Chmielewska, two prominent Polish human rights
activists, recently expressed their concerns about what they described as “the
increasing number of incidents between the Crimean Tatars and activists of
pro-Russian organizations.”
The current situation emerged about
six weeks ago. On December 1, Ivzhenko reports, members of the Russian Unity
Party and the pro-Russian Unity Cossack Brotherhood in the Crimea “destroyed a
hundred Crimean” buildings, and they may have been involved in an attack on a
mosque construction site in Simferopol.
Crimean Mufti Emirali Ablayev told “Nezavisimaya”
that these crimes were “a provocation of definite forces who do not want
stability and peaceful co-existence on the territory of the peninsula” and are
instended to “provoke tensions and conflict situations in the Crimea.”
But according to Russian Unity
leader Sergey Aksenov, who is also a
deputy in the Supreme Council of Crimea, his men were only “fulfilling court
decisions.” Courts have ordered the
Crimean Tatars to dismantle their buildings, and the Russians were doing
nothing more than ensuring that the judges were obeyed.
Crimean Prime Minister Anatoly
Mogilev, for his part, “condemned both sides of the conflict,” Ivzhenko
reports. But that didn’t end things: at the end of December, the Crimean Tatars
responded by closing down an exhibit the Russians had organized in honor of
Joseph Stalin’s 133rd birthday.
This sequence of events, Ivzhenko
says, prompted the two Polish human rights activists and former members of
Militant Solidarity to speak out. The two noted that “Russian provocations in
the Crimea are taking place almost every day, and the pro-Russian authorities
of the Crimean Autonomy are conducting themselves as if Criiea were an
inalienable part of the Russian Federation.”
“All this is taking place at a time,”
the two continued, “when Ukraine has assumed the presidency of the OSCE, an
organization which has defined its purpose as the combatting of xenophobia,
ethnic hatred and religious tolerance.” Chlebowicz and Chmielewska called on the
Verkhovna Rada to ban “Russian militarized formations and extremist organizations”
in Crimea.
They plan to announce further steps in the coming
days, the “Nezavisimaya gazeta” journalist reports.
So far, the authorities in Kyiv and
Simferopol have maintained official silence, but the leaders of the Russian
Unity group say that what the Poles have suggested is the purest “fantasy” as
there are no “Russian militarized formations and extremist organizations” in
the peninsula. But another Crimean leader had a somewhat different explanation.
Leonid Pilunsky, a member of the
Crimean parliament, said that the Poles were talking about the Cossacks who are
in fact armed, and he suggested that “the Polish human rights activist have
come to the defense of the Crimean Tatars because in Poland there is a large
Crimean Tatar diaspora.”
Sergey Kulik, head of the Nomos Analytic
Center in Sevastopol, said that the conflict between the Crimean Tatars and the
Russians living there had a long history but its cause was “not to be found in
politics but in disputes about land.” The
Crimean Tatars do not want clashes, but, of course, others may try to exploit
their situation.
Any time Poles talk about ethnic
minorities in the former Soviet space, many Russians assume that they are
displaying the same kind of interest in breaking up either Russia or one of the
other states in the region in much the same way that Jozef Pilsudski tried to
do with the Promethean League in the 1920s and 1930s.
Russian authors have often cited the
Polish leader’s ideas as expressed in 1904 to the Japanese that Poland has “the
political goal of breaking up the Russian state into its main constituents and
emancipating the countries that have been forcibly incorporated into that
empire,” a project that guarantee Poland’s independence because “a Russia
divested of her conquests will be sufficiently weakened that she will cease to
be a formidable and dangerous neighbor" (Edmund Charaszkiewivz, Zbiór
dokumentów, Kraków, 2000, p. 56).
Poland certainly remains interested in
the non-Russians in the regions to its east and sometimes has acted
incautiously in that regard – in 2007, Polish President Lech Kaczynski joined
his Georgian counterpart Mikhail Saakashvili to dedicate a statue to Prometheus
in Tbilisi – but there is no evidence at all that Warsaw has any interest in a
revival of Prometheanism.
Nonetheless, the statements by the
Polish activists are likely to be enough to spark commentaries on just that
possibility given the anti-Polish nature of so many Russian nationalist
writings over the last several years. And they certainly will be upset that the
Crimean Tatars have gained, as “Nezavisimaya” put it “a protector from abroad.”
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