Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 25 – Despite the
horrors Vladimir Putin’s regime continues to inflict on Ukraine, increasingly
frequent calls in Moscow for the Kremlin leader to conduct a Stalinist-style
crackdown and his disposition to follow them could very well mean that the
citizens of the Russian Federation will in the end be the greatest victims of
Putin’s policies.
That danger has not attracted the
attention it deserves because Putin’s actions at home have been more deliberate
and less mediagenic than his moves in Ukraine.
Until recently at least, he has behaved more like the man who killed a
frog by slowly bringing the water in a pot to boil rather than simply hacking
off its head.
But that may be beginning to change,
and it is likely to change faster if the Kremlin leader is forced to stop or
even back down in Ukraine, given the criticism he would receive from some
Russians for doing so and given suggestions by an increasing number of
commentators that Russia and Putin himself are threatened by internal enemies
and that he must move against them.
An example of this kind of argument
is provided this week on KM.ru by Konstantin Sivkov, the president of the
Academy of Geopolitical Problems, who directly says that “if Putin does not
defeat the fifth column [inside Russia], he will suffer the fate of
Yanukovich,” the ousted Ukrainian president (km.ru/v-rossii/2014/07/22/protivostoyanie-na-ukraine-2013-14/745523-ksivkov-esli-putin-ne-pobedit-pyatuyu-).
Putin
is absolutely correct that no one is going to attack Russia with a tank column,
Sivkov says. Russia is a nuclear power. But he and other Russian leaders are
necessarily concerned by the threat of “color revolutions” and the internal
enemies, supported from the outside, that could make one.
“It
has become clear,” he says, “that the United States is seriously approaching
the issue of the preparation of a revolution inside Russia. Putin understands” what that could mean. The
issue now is “how will he neutralize this threat?”
Clearly,
the Kremlin leader needs to strike at the organizers who include not only the
self-declared opposition but also the oligarchs and “those bureaucrats who have
burrowed
into power from Yeltsin’s times.” There must not be “two powers” in Russia, the
political and the financial. Were that to occur, “one of them in the end would
be subordinate to the other.”
In the United States, Wall Street
dominates the nominal political leadership, Sivkov says. “In Russia, there are
two scenarios.” Either Putin will become the agent of the oligarchs “or he will
transform himself into the unqualified leader of the country.” If he wants to become a genuinely great
leader, he really has only one choice: to become a leader like Stalin.”
If Putin doesn’t suppress “the
activities of the entire fifth column” and completely replace “the liberal
cadres in the leadership of the country,” Sivkov says, he can look forward to a
fate like Yanukovich of Ukraine. The
latter at least had a place to retreat to. Putin doesn’t. And that should drive
his policies.
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