Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 11 – Failure to
challenge Vladimir Putin about the Crimean Anschluss, “the cornerstone of today’s
‘Putin consensus,’” works to the benefit of the Kremlin leader whose uses the
absence of objections to his actions to “create the illusion of moral
justification” for what he has done, according to Aleksandr Skobov.
And consequently, the Moscow
commentator says, it is vitally important for the Russian opposition to raise
its voice against the annexation of Crimea in order to “destroy the very
foundation of ‘the Putin consensus’ and thus help to block new aggression by
the Kremlin including its use of nuclear threats (http://grani.ru/opinion/skobov/m.234832.html).
According
to Skobov, the issue of Crimea is one of those where it makes sense to follow
Lenin’s advice: “before uniting, it is necessary to divide up decisively.” That is the case because “a consistently
anti-Putin opposition can be only that which is at bottom also anti-imperial
and anti-Russist.”
The argument of those who say that “the annexation of
Crimea was of course illegal and ugly, but Realpolitik does not allow us to
reverse it” must be rejected, even if it may sometimes be possible to cooperate
with these same people at a tactical level, Skobov says.
The
program minimum for the Russian opposition must be the position Grigory
Yavlinsky has offered: “we consider that Crimea belongs to Ukraine, that its
annexation is illegal and must be reversed” (grani.ru/opinion/skobov/m.234832.html). There can be varied positions on how that will
happen but not that it must.
The reason for
that, Skobov says, is that “this is the very least” that Russian can do “for
the restoration of normal good-neighborly relations with Ukraine” and for
re-entering the international system of states as agreed to and organized after
World War II.
“The
cornerstone of that system,” he writes, “is the impermissibility of annexation,
that is, of the forcible detachment of the territory of one state in favor of
another.” Russia’s actions in Crimea were and are a violation of that system, and
“if this consequence of the Crimean adventure is not liquidated, global
destabilization threatens the word, something that will sooner or later lead to
a major war.”
It may be that
the current leadership of Russia is not prepared to take this step and that the
return of Crimea will require regime change in Russia itself. From his
perspective, Skobov says, the return of Crimea according to plans offered so
far “will be possible only under a comparatively soft form of regime change.”
“However,” he
continues, “it is extremely probable that regime change in Russia will not be
soft.” Instead, it is more likely to happen as the result of “a catastrophic
failure of the latest military adventure of the Kremlin which will lead to a
rapid disintegration of the force structures” of the country.
In that event, “Ukraine
will simply take back Crimea as Russia took it from itself. Without any international
conferences because Russia in that case will have entered a time of troubles
and will not be able to resist that.”
And Skobov
points to something that many Russians do not want to think about: “The right
to self-determination can be lost.” That
is what happened to the Sudeten Germans in 1945. “Their fate was decided
without their participation” and in a very ugly fashion including deportation, something
that was also “a crime against humanity committed in this case by members of
the anti-Hitler coalition.”
Today, he continues, is “not
1945. The world has changed, and no one will allow such deportations at least
in Europe.” But in the course of liquidating the results of Putin’s criminal
actions in Crime, it is almost inevitable that protecting the rights of the
ethnic Russian residents of Crimea will not be the top priority” of those doing
so.
The return of Crimea to
Ukraine “will be a heavy psychological trauma” for a significant portion of
Crimean residents, Skobov says, but he adds that that is something Putin and
his supporters should have thought about earlier, long before they launched
their “lightning-quick seizure of the peninsula.”
Had they done so, the
Moscow commentator says, they would have realized that “history does not deal
politely with entire peoples when it has to explain to them that THIS IS NOT
DONE. Those who do that anyway sooner or
later will suffer the consequences.” As Stolypin said, “in politics there is no
vengeance, but there are consequences.”
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