Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 1 – Endel Lippmaa,
Estonia’s greatest nuclear physicist but even more important, one of its
political leaders “without portfolio” in several Talllinn governments, died on July 30, removing from the scene
one of the most intriguing if sometimes difficult figures of the period of
Estonia’s drive to recover its independence.
Born in Tartu on September 15, 1930,
Lippmaa had a brilliant career as a scientist both within Estonia and
internationally. He will certainly be remembered for his numerous contributions
in that sphere. But perhaps more importantly, at least for me and many far from
his scientific field, he will be remembered and even revered for his political activities.
His untimely passing just weeks
before what would have been his 85th birthday will undoubtedly
unleash many memories about him; and as part of what I expect to be a flood, I
would like to share three of my own not because they are so terribly
significant but because they may provide some details about a figure around
whom there are so many stories, myths and even misunderstandings.
My first interaction with
Academician Lippmaa was anything but pleasant. In the fall of 1990, when I was
working as the US State Department’s desk officer for Estonia, Latvia and
Lithuania, Toomas Hendrik Ilves was the head of Radio Free Europe’s Estonian
Service queried me about how foreign relations are normally conducted among
countries and about the role of parliamentarians in them.
I gave the textbook answer that
relations between states are normally government-to-government.
Parliamentarians and others can play a role, I said, but it is typically
secondary. Ilves included that in one of his broadcasts, and Endel Lippmaa was
outraged, viewing it as an attempt to exclude him and other Estonian figures
like him from participating in foreign affairs.
He complained to both RFE/RL and to the
State Department, and RFE/RL management decided that Tom and I should not be
speaking to each other lest more such problems occur. In fact, the problem
quickly exhausted itself for reasons that are worth recalling.
On the one hand, despite Academician
Lippmaa’s concerns, no one was trying to exclude him or anyone else from Estonian-American
dialogue. And on the other, and more significantly, his view then that this
represented a tilt to then-Estonian foreign minister Lennart Meri, with whom
Lippmaa as is well known had a long and complicated relationship, was entirely
misplaced.
American non-recognition policy
which defined how the US interacted with Estonia from 1940 to 1991 was based on
the premise that Washington did not view the government in Soviet-occupied
Estonia as the legitimate government of the country. Consequently, the US did
not view its relations with Tallinn through the prism Lippmaa then applied or
wish to exclude him from conversations in any way.
My second interaction with
Academician Lippmaa was between midnight and three o’clock in the morning of January
13, 1991, at the State Department in Washington. Mikhail Gorbachev had just ordered
the use of force against Lithuania, an action that claimed 13 lives in Vilnius
and put paid to the idea that the Soviet leader would pursue a peaceful resolution
of the Baltic drive to the recovery of de
facto independence.
Academician Lippmaa, who had been on
a visit to Texas, came to Washington and was the most senior Baltic official
then in the United States. He called the White House seeking a meeting, and
Condoleeza Rice, who then was overseeing Soviet affairs at the National
Security Council, called me and asked me to receive Lippmaa at the State
Department.
Not surprisingly, I was busy with
the Baltic Working Group the department had established immediately after the
killings in Vilnius; and I approached the meeting in the middle of the night
with someone who had tried to isolate me from my friend Toomas Hendrik Ilves
and had caused some problems for me at my workplace with more than a little
trepidation.
I well remember his arrival: The
department was under lock and key because of concerns in advance of the Desert
Storm campaign against Saddam Husseyn’s occupation of Kuwait, and I had to go
down to the C Street entrance to allow him to get in at what was an especially
unusual hour. When he was seated in my
fifth floor office, I told him that clearly we each had some reasons to have
problems with the other but that right now, those problems were as nothing
compared to the challenges to the Baltic countries and the West that Moscow had
laid down by its shooting of the Vilnius demonstrators.
He agreed that it would obviously be
best if we put these “personal” things aside for some later point, and I am
happy to report that then and over the coming days, Academician Lippmaa worked
long, hard and well to promote Estonian and Baltic interests in Washington and
thus to set the stage for the recovery of the independence of the three countries
less than eight months later. His contributions then were far larger than many
yet know.
My third interaction came in 1999 at
the time of then-President Lennart Meri’s 70th birthday
celebrations. At the dinner at the Blackheads
Hall, President Meri in one of his famed “little games” decided that he would
have me sit at the second table BETWEEN Lippmaa and his wife. President Meri, of course, had his own
special relationship with Lippmaa: Meri’s family took in Endel at one point after members of
the future academician’s family were killed,
and Lippmaa was among thos who accused Meri of working with the Soviet
security agencies. And President Meri knew very well about my complicated
relationship with the academician.
The evening proved a delight: There
was much to talk about, and no reversion to any of the problems of the past.
And it was ended by an exchange that I will always recall with a smile when I
think about Academician Lippmaa. After dinner, we left the main dining room and
went into one of the smaller rooms near the entrance where cognac and coffee
were being served. When we entered, I
was shocked to see that there was a young woman there dressed in a way that
suggested she was someone who worked the streets rather than someone who should
be a guest at a presidential banquet. I said that I thought the Estonian
government would have better security.
Lippmaa gave me his trademark grin
and said, “Mr. Goble, you are wrong. There’s no question of security. That
young woman you’re worried about almost certainly is here because she’s the new
girlfriend of someone high up in the Estonian political establishment.”
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