Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 6 – Relatively few young
people in the Russian Federation are attracted to Russian nationalism of the
traditional kinds, Vladimir Petukhov of the Moscow Institute of Sociology says.
Instead, they manifest what might be called “young nationalist views.”
In a 2014 study on youth attitudes in
Russia and China that has been summarized by Pavel Pryanikov this week at ttolk.ru/?p=25847, the Moscow scholar
suggests that Russian nationalism among the young in his country is “radically
different than traditional imperial nationalism.”
It includes “a high level of rejection of
the present-day Russian state and its organs, a negative attitude toward the
ideas of internationalism, and an orientation toward informal self-organizing
structures.” One could describe it has “’nationalism for oneself,’ in contrast
to messianic Russian nationalism of previous eras” which call for Russians to
sacrifice themselves for a Third Rome or the Third International.
According to Patukhov’s research, only six
percent of those surveyed call themselves supporters of the idea of “’a special
Russian path of development’” although “almost a quarter” find the idea of “’Russia
for the Russians’” attractive, less than the 37-38 percent who back
internationalist values, a figure far less than among their parents.
The Moscow sociologist says that “the main
thing which distinguishes the present generation of Russian youth from the rest
of the population” is that it is the first that has not had to adapt to new,
post-1991 conditions, because for its members, those are the only conditions
they have known.
“If older generations of Russians have
experienced periods of social-political growth,” Pryanikov summarizes Patukhov’s
findings, “today’s youth are divided and atomized.” And they are not members of
groups along the traditional ideological spectrum. Only 16 percent fall into
one of them, but most say they aren’t in any – or can’t say.
In contrast to their parents, they are
prepared to work for themselves and their own interests but they have little
interest in solidarity with others. Instead, they are focused on private life
and conceive freedom “exclusively in terms of the freedom of individual choice”
rather than as a value for society as such.
They thus view democracy instrumentally as
something that they think is necessary as long as it delivers the goods rather
than as a value in and of itself. And
consequently they remain skeptical about it. They are strikingly tolerant of
action by others who are ready to engage in political struggles even though
most are not interested in doing so themselves.
Thus, majorities consider unsanctioned
meetings, blocking of roads, and hunger strikes acceptable. And large
pluralities consider internet hacking, dissemination of extremist ideas via the
Internet and even the formation of bands and seizure of buildings acceptable,
again far more than their parents.
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