Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 19 – A few days after
Hitler broke his alliance with Stalin and invaded the Soviet Union, the Soviet
dictator used a diplomatic back channel to explore whether the Nazi leader
would be prepared to end the war if Stalin agreed to hand over to German rule
Ukraine, the Baltic republics and perhaps even more.
That is the conclusion of a Friday
article by historian Nikita Petrov in “Novaya gazeta” an article that undercuts
both Stalin’s carefully cultivated stance as someone who was prepared to fight
the invader to the end and Vladimir Putin’s use of World War II as a legitimating
and mobilizing tool in Russia today (novayagazeta.ru/comments/73493.html).
The history of these events is by
its very nature murky and can be reconstructed only by a careful reading of
Russian archival materials, Petrov suggests. But the basic facts of the case
are these: In the first days after the German attack, Lavrenty Beria on Stalin’s
order directed NKVD officer Pavel Sudoplatov to meet with a Bulgarian diplomat
to explore what it would take for Hitler to stop his invasion of the Soviet
Union.
Among the concessions Sudoplatov was
authorized to discuss with the Bulgarian who Moscow believed would communicate
his conversation to Berlin was the handing over to Hitler of Ukraine, the areas
that Stalin had occupied in 1940-41 on the basis of the secret protocols of the
Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, and perhaps more.
Such a sacrifice would constitute “a
new Brest peace” but would save Stalin and his regime, Petrov points out by
allowing the communist regime to continue to function beyond the Urals.
Obviously, discussing anything of
this then or later was incredibly dangerous given that such things would have
constituted in the clearest way treason, but information about them came out in
the interrogations of Sudoplatov and Beria in 1953. And Petrov mines these
sources for his article, even reproducing the key Sudoplatov declaration.
As many have pointed out, Stalin
believed in Hitler and in his own ability to cut a deal right up to the moment
of the German invasion. The archives
suggest that he continued to believe in his ability to cut a deal with Hitler
even after that time. In fact, however, Stalin was manipulated by double agents
before June 22, 1941, and by his own fears after that time.
Nothing came as a result of Stalin’s
feeler. Hitler was confident that his forces could defeat the Soviet Union and
therefore ignored what was passed on by the Bulgarians. But there were
consequences in the USSR for those most immediately involved because Stalin
never forgot, Petrov continues.
Despite his regime’s presentation of
him as the great military leader during World War II, Stalin remembered that “three
people knew the secret of his cowardice and the depth of the collapse in 1941.”
The Soviet dictator ordered Abakumov to arrest Sudoplatov, although Beria urged
the secret police chief not to obey lest he and Beria himself be next.
And there was a third potential
victim of Stalin’s malignant memory: Vyacheslav Molotov, who certainly knew
about the meeting with the Bulgarian diplomat in June 1941 and Stalin’s
willingness to sacrifice much of the country to save himself. Had Stalin lived, Petrov says, all three
would have come to a bad end. But his death kept him from realizing his goal.
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