Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 14 – Roman Lunkin,
president of the Russian Experts Guild on Religion and Law, says that
“religious policy in Russia [as was the case in Soviet times] has given given
over to the force structures” and that this means the only thing that religious
communities can do is “to conduct themselves with courage.”
In an interview to the
Portal-Credo.ru portal, Lunkin argues that the Kremlin’s policy toward religion
and its decision to hand over almost exclusive control over religious policy to
the force structures is “quite absurd, illogical, and senseless” because “there
are no rational goals of this policy whatsoever” (portal-credo.ru/site/?act=authority&id=2219).
All
other government officials have been “de facto” removed from having oversight
or responsibility for religious affairs, and the actions of the force
structures have not succeeded in achieving their stated goals: churches the
government doesn’t like continue to function, missionaries haven’t become
fewer, and neither represents the threat the Kremlin says.
“As
a result,” Lunkin continues, “we are getting a whole line of dissatisfied
religious groups and movements which simply are going into the underground.”
If
any of the targets of the siloviki represented a threat to the Moscow
Patriarchate, one could understand these actions if hardly approve of them, the
specialist on religious law says. But none of them are “real competitors” to
the Russian Orthodox Church. Hence the explanation for what is happening must
be sought elsewhere.
Lunkin
says that at the present time, the various siloviki groups are competing among
themselves to see how far they can go in “cleansing” the entire society from
any Christian groups that are not subordinate to the Moscow Patriarchate. This
represents a significant change from what was happening earlier.
Until
recently, he says, the siloviki were focused almost exclusively “on Muslim
groups and movements, independent and semi-underground,” in which there were
some potential or real supporters of extremist ideals. But “after the adoption
of the Yarovaya law,” they shifted their focus to Christian and especially
independent Orthodox groups.
At
the same time, Lunkin points out, the siloviki are going after Protestant
groups that they assume may be carriers of Maidan-like ideas. Among these are the Evangelical churches because
the special services believe that “in any critical political situation, they
always support freedom and human rights.”
All
these Christian denominations are in an even worse situation than the Muslim
groups were because the government has decided to hand religious policy over to
the force structures and keep all other government agencies out. That makes it
impossible for these religious groups to appeal to the courts or to
administrative officials with much hope of success.
Such
targets of the siloviki can only show courage and thus become the latest in a
long line of “heroes of the faith” in Russia, Lunkin concludes.
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