Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 21 – Earlier this
week individuals appeared before the headquarters of the Russian General Staff
carrying posters that clearly indicated they were acting on the basis of religious
convictions (sova-center.ru/religion/news/authorities/elections/2016/10/d35654/,
portal-credo.ru/site/?act=news&id=122515
http://www.svoboda.org/a/28059348.html
and facebook.com/gradustv77/?pnref=story).
Among them were: “What does Christ
Teach? Under the guise of tradition and spirituality we are offered war, war
and more war.” “Covering himself with Orthodoxy, Putin sows hatred and war.” “Blessed
are the Peacemakers.” “If you want peace, prepare for peace.” And “We stand for
peace, but we are preparing for war.”
The appearance of these anti-war Christians
attracted relatively little attention in Moscow or the West, but that is a
mistake, Sergey Filatov of the Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies suggests,
because they are part of the spread of genuine and potentially powerful
anti-war sentiments among the faithful (sova-center.ru/religion/publications/2016/10/d35675/).
The hierarchy of the Moscow
Patriarchate and the traditions of Russian Orthodoxy more generally are so associated
with caesaro-papism and support for authoritarian governments, their force
structures and army. But that is now the
only trend of opinion within the church especially at the parish level, Filatov
says.
Over the last 25 years, he says, “militarist
attitudes and support for military victories … is slowly but consistently
weakening” within the church, especially at the lower levels but also among
some of the hierarchs as well.
“Among the laity, there exists not
only a politically liberal pacifist minority, but also anti-war ‘evangelical’
attitudes among believers whom you wouldn’t call liberals with regard to other
issues.” What is surprising is not that “Orthodox pacifists have appeared but
rather than they have appeared only now.”
Among Christians around the world
there has been a slow and sometimes not so slow shift to anti-war positions
among many denominations, Filatov says. Roman Catholics have been among the
leaders of this in the West as can be seen from the pope’s calls to both sides
in the Ukrainian conflict to reach an agreement, calls that have outraged some
Ukrainian patriots.
“In Russian Orthodoxy,” the
orientalist continues, such “anti-war attitudes are only now being born.” But they have not come out of nowhere or only
from abroad. “If one compares the statements
of Metropolitan Kirill of 20 years ago and now, then it is possible to see that
in his patriotic and statist ideology, the militarist component has weakened.”
“Our society in general did not take
note of the most important case when the Russian Orthodox Church did not support the unification of Crimea to
Russia and with regard to the conflict in south-east Ukraine consistently has
called for reaching an accord” rather than supporting views of patriotic
circles it is traditionally been close to.
“This position has many causes, but
whatever they were, this position for the Russian Orthodox Church is unique and
it represents a most important precedent for the future,” Filatov argues. The church may remain very conservative on
many moral issues but on war, it is increasingly going to be against
militarism.
That represents a change, and one
with enormous consequences for relations between the Kremlin and the Moscow
Patriarchate and thus for Russian society and the country’s political system as
a whole.
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