Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 9 – A major problem
with polls in the Russian Federation now is that Russians don’t want to be represented
either because they don’t trust those asking the questions or fear the way any
answers they give may be used, according to Grigory Yudin, a sociologist at the
Moscow Higher School of Economics.
Often this is discussed in terms of the
representativeness of the samples, but in Russia, he and other sociologists
suggest that it involves more than just difficulties in reaching people and
reflects the fact that many people simply won’t tell pollsters the truth but
rather what they think is the desired answer (novayagazeta.ru/articles/2017/06/09/72750-kak-nas-predstavit).
That can happen in other countries
as well, Yudin says, and he points to the US presidential elections last year.
At that time, “a large quantity of people who later voted for Trump preferred
not to report about this during the conduct of a poll.” But such problems further undermine public
trust in polls as in other public institutions.
In Russia in particular, “sociological
polls are not viewed as an independent institution; in the eyes of the
population, they are one of the instruments in the hands of the authorities. ‘Therefore,’”
Yudin says, “’if some Moscow company conducts a poll, the thought immediately
arises in the minds of the respondents: ‘Putin has ordered this survey.’”
Another Moscow sociologist, Dmitry
Rogozin, agrees. He says that “with us, polls are usied not in order to
discover the opinion of the population about their concerns and affairs but in
order to put them in the situation of a choice, having presented these people
with absolutely idiotic issues.”
A major reason that even the
defenders of Russian polls acknowledge is that problems arise because there are
only three major polling agencies and only one of these is independent of the state.
As a result, the problems that many Russians fear about polls aren’t being
reduced but in some respects may be growing worse.
One sign of that, Novaya gazeta reports today, involves
the harm that was inflicted on polling by the ways in which the Kremlin sought
to use polls to structure public response to what it was doing in Crimea and
the Donbass and to give the impression that the polls served as “an instrument
of ‘direct democracy.’”
But that was duplicitous, as Yudin
notes. “Democracy presupposes not simply the summing up of preferences but
debates in the course of which people change their point of view. This is
extremely far from the idea of summing up individual opinions.” In his view, “for
Russia, such a tendency will only strengthen.”
Rogozin agrees, arguing “the further
a country is from a democratic system of administration, the less one can rely
on polls of public opinion.” And he adds
that most people polled are giving responses about questions they may not have
thought about much to people whom they do not know and who may be using a kind
of language at odds with their own.
Those things too make Russian polls
more problematic than many assume.
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