Paul Goble
Staunton, June 10 – After the March
26 demonstrations in which a large number of young people took part, the Putin
regime decided it had to reach out to young people so that they would support
it rather than the opposition, Sergey Shelin says. But its efforts so far,
largely copied from the past, are a tragicomedy doomed to failure.
The Rosbalt commentator says that
when orders came down from above to construct a youth policy, the executors did
not try to think up anything new but rather dusted off various projects that
Russian and Soviet governments have used before without thinking very much whether
they could work (rosbalt.ru/blogs/2017/06/09/1622279.html).
Like his Soviet predecessors, Putin
decreed the coming ten years “A Decade of Childhood.” Then teachers were told
to use threats to keep their pupils or students from attending opposition
meetings. Next, the regime issued a new
package of prohibitions, including about use of the Internet and set up a new
Council of Bloggers.
And finally, the regime “continued the
militarization of society,” with much dressing up and the storming of a
miniature Reichstag in Moscow. None of these steps made any sense; but this
last was the least promising because the Russian defense ministry copied not
the Reichstag of 1945 but that of 2017 – a symbol of German democracy rather
than German Nazism!
Because those behind this program do
not understand the young and do not have anything to offer them that they could
conceivably want, Shelin says, the whole enterprise is doomed to “complete
collapse,” alienating those it is intended to attract still further from the
Putin regime and its hangers on.
That should not really surprise
anyone, he continues. The current regime in Russia can by rights be called “anti-youth”
in its essence. What young people
typically want, those in power not only don’t want but see as a threat to
themselves – and so they comfort themselves with the idea that restrictions and
repression will be popular.
“A regime which embodies the worst
phantasies of the failures of the 1990s cannot and will not please those born
in the 21st century,” Shelin continues. “What kind of love can there
be between them? They are alien to one another.”
Most Russian young people are “today
far from the political opposition,” despite the “panic” among the Kremlin and
its agents. But at least the opposition
tries to speak in the language of the young and about their concerns, something
the Putin regime at present appears incapable of doing.
And that leads to a further thought,
Shelin says: “A system which doesn’t consider the rising generation its own
future had better not try to look too far ahead.”
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