Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 5 – Many citizens of
the non-Russian republics are outraged that their representatives in the
Russian Duma have not voted against the proposed law making national languages
voluntary. But voters in Chuvashia are
even more upset: their deputies not only don’t represent them but appear to be
behind some of the Putin era’s most repressive legislation.
Among the measures Chuvash deputies
have been behind as “authors” or “co-authors” are laws imposing heavier
penalties on unauthorized meetings, declaring media outlets that criticize the
authorities “foreign agents,” and even the law making national language
voluntary while keeping Russian as a required subject.
The reasons this is so have been
explored by Darya Komarova, who writes for Radio Svoboda’s IdelReal portal, and
provide insights about how the powers that be have bent the members of the
state Duma to their will and thus against the expressed wishes of the deputies’
constituents (idelreal.org/a/29333101.html).
Two deputies from Chuvashia, a
Christian Turkic republic in the Middle Volga, Alena Arshinova of United Russia
and Oleg Nikolayev of Just Russia.
Arshinova was listed as co-author of the measure increasing punishments
for unauthorized meetings and for involving children in them.
And both Arshinova and Nikolayev
were listed as co-authors of the measure making the study of non-Russian languages
entirely voluntary while maintaining the compulsory study of Russian. Arshinova is from Moldova and has no ethnic
ties with Chuvashia. Nikolayev on the other hand is a native of the republic.
Dmitry Semyonov, deputy head of the
Open Russia movement, says that most of these measures were drafted by
officials in the government who then looked to Duma deputies to introduce them
in their name offering as inducement political promotions or even financial
rewards.
The basis for the selection of the
deputies is far from clear, he continues, but it seems obvious that the powers
that be wanted representatives from a non-Russian republic to be behind the
languages bill and thus decided to ask the two Chuvash deputies to be among
those listed as co-sponsors.
Party discipline is involved as
well, Semyonov says, but the real cause is the lack of competitive
elections. Without it as is now the case
in Russian elections, “the Duma consists of 450 obedient ‘servants’ of the powers
that be” rather than representatives of the people who ostensibly elected
them.
Political analyst Sergey Averin says
that one must always keep in mind that “in the current political system of
Russia, the State Duma is not a source of genuinely important initiatives and
does not play a significant role in the formation of state policy and
direction.” It exists primarily to “legitimize” decisions taken elsewhere.”
Those in the executive get some deputy
or other to put forward measures that have already been designed or even
written out elsewhere Typically, he says, the powers that be turn to members of
the United Russia power or to those “in the camps so to speak of the fake
opposition as for example Just Russia.”
“The discipline and conformist character
of the actions of pro-government structures have been known for a long time,”
Averin says. “Most of the time, led by their own personal reasons, deputies
agree to take on themselves the role of ‘initiators.’” And unfortunately, those
from some regions are more ready to do that than those from others.
“Unfortunately,” he continues, “the political
culture in the Chuvash Republic has not reached the level that its
representatives initiate important and necessary proposals on their own.”
Instead, they simply take orders from above but almost never follow guidance
from below.
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