Paul Goble
Staunton,
March 9 – Ever more Kazakhs are revising their views about the early Soviet
period when several million of their ancestors died from famine, hundreds of
thousands fled to China and some took up arms to fight first the Bolsheviks and
then Soviet collectivization, the Central Asian Analytic Network says.
Now
as a result of a new film called “Sulmat,” the Kazakh word for holomodor or terror famine, they
increasingly recognize that the famine was not an accident of nature but rather
the result of Moscow’s policies and thus constitute an act of genocide, a view
that necessarily changes their view of Russia (caa-network.org/archives/15320).
Not surprisingly, the Russian
foreign ministry has lashed out at the film’s suggestion that what occurred was
“a Holodomor” or “a genocide” and insisted that Moscow did not target the
Kazakhs or any other nation and that all Soviet peoples, including the
Russians, suffered (mid.ru/ru/foreign_policy/news/-/asset_publisher/cKNonkJE02Bw/content/id/3540615).
The
man behind the film, “Zulmat. Mass Hunger in Kazakhstan,” Zhanbolat Mamay, made
this film because in 2017 he was banned from working as a journalist for three
years. He made an earlier documentary
about Kazakhstan’s national movement after 1917, “If the Republic of Alash had
Won,” and plans to do a third about repressions in the 1930s.
In
an interview with CAAN, Mamay says he is sure the Russian foreign ministry
released its statement because his film has proved so popular. It was first
shown in a theater in Almaty but not permitted to be run elsewhere and then put
up on YouTube where it has already been viewed more than 400,000 times, he continues.
Mamay
says he decided to make the film because despite the fact that many parts of
the story have been told, they are not been put together in one place in a way
accessible to the population and no one has given them a political and
historical assessment. That is what “we have done in our film.”
One
issue that had to be decided was what to call the film. There are two words in
Kazakh for the terror famine or Holodomor in that country, Asharshylyk and Zulmat. The first refers to famine arising from conflicts
among various peoples; the second refers to that and also to the greater
tragedy of organized mass murder. It is
thus more appropriate.
Stalin and the Soviet leadership
knew what they were doing and what was happening because of what they had done.
They thus were engaged in a conscious policy of genocide, Mamay says; and they
must be held accountable by history for their actions. Trying to muddy the waters is a betrayal of the
nation’s memory.
The film focuses on five issues: the
massive famine of 1921-22, the impact of collectivization and sedentarization,
mass risings against Soviet power, the horrors of death by hunger, and finally
the assessment of these events which must be called “by their own names: this
was a policy of genocide!”
Figures are much in dispute, but the
closest to the truth is contained in the famous “letter of the six,” published
in the 1930s. It spoke about the demise of 49 percent of the Kazakh population as
a result of Soviet policies. But those
were only direct losses. In addition, more than a million fled to other
countries, including China and Afghanistan.
As to the ethnic composition of the victims,
it was overwhelmingly Kazakh. But of the 2.2 million who died in Kazakhstan
during the terror famine, 250,000 consisted of others, including Russians, Ukrainians,
Germans, Tatars and others. But of the one million who died in the 1920s, almost
all were Kazakhs, as were the million who fled the republic.
Kazakhs resisted and formed armed
groups, but in 1929-1931, it is not correct to say that they were seeking
independence: they only wanted collectivization as Stalin was imposing it to be
stopped. There were no longer any national leaders who could have organized a
broader form of resistance: they had all be killed before then.
Another indication of how alienated
these events left the Kazakhs was that the Red Army was not allowed to take in
ethnic Kazakhs as soldiers and officers at that time, not because the
commanders did not want them, but because the political leadership in Moscow
refused to allow this to happen.
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