Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 19 – Twenty-nine
years ago today, defenders of the USSR sought to preserve it by overthrowing
Mikhail Gorbachev and imposing martial law. But they failed because the people
under Boris Yeltsin in Moscow and other leaders elsewhere rose up and refused
to obey the illegal actions of the coup people, and the Soviet system collapsed.
That much is widely remembered, but
what is sometimes forgotten is that “during those August days, people did not know
just what country they would wake up in the next day,” a feeling they suggest
that is “approximately the same” to the one the Belarusian people feel now (severreal.org/a/30790363.html).
Soviet citizens in the USSR then like
Belarusians now had great hopes for the future, saw that future slipping away,
and realized that only they could tip the balance against a retreat into the
past, several Russians who lived through the coup attempt in 1991 tell Radio
Liberty journalists.
The remarks of two of them, Lev
Shlosberg, now the leader of Yabloko in
Pskov Oblast, and Valery Potashov, a Karelian journalist, are especially
instructive concerning these parallels and both the opportunities and dangers
such similarities have for the people of Belarus now and in the future.
Shlosberg says that the coup was “the
reaction not simply of the conservative but the obscurantist part of the Soviet
bureaucracy to an attempt at the democratic reform of the Soviet Union.” Its
members thought that “by physically occupying [Gorbachev’s] place, they could
become the powers.”
The coup people didn’t take into
consideration that by August 1991, “society was prepared to resist.” As a result, “like Lukashenka today, members
of the GKChP were inflexible, conservative people who could not accept the new
way of life at all.” As a result, they
were doomed.
Today, Shlosberg says, something
similar is true in Belarus. The Belarusian people have changed and Lukashenka
can’t accept that. But he may behave in a far more draconian manner than the
coup people did. Fortunately, the force
structures on which the Belarusian dictator has relied are beginning to “shake.”
Potashov says that by 1991, Soviet
citizens felt they were at a dead end and that he personally planned to
emigrate to Finland. When the coup
happened, he recalls, he went to a demonstration in Petrozavodsk “not in
support of Boris Yeltsin” as some would have it but more precisely “’against the
GKChP and its usurpation of power.”
The coup attempt led to the
departure of some in power, but it also opened the way for those just behind
them to rise and behave in much the same way, he says. “Very quickly it became
clear that in power remained the very same communists who had ruled the country
for 80 years.”
“Very quickly the federal center
began to tighten the screws and this began under Yeltsin long before Putin.”
Like Russians almost 30 years ago, Belarusians now feel they can take charge of
their lives and make a fundamental change. But they need to recognize what
Russians did not, that real change requires more than just ousting a few people
and renaming a few things.
That is hard, slogging work.
Russians did not do it, and the result is the Putin dictatorship. Belarusians
have a chance for something else, but only a chance because there is the great
risk that their aspirations will be hijacked by those who do not want them to
be free and in charge of their own lives.
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