Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 16 – Fewer than half
of the citizens of the Russian Federation now identify themselves as “Rossiyane,”
the official term, preferring instead ethnic and religious groupings, and as a
result, Moscow is considering two new programs to boost the preferred
non-ethnic and non-religious identification in the future.
At present, the Regional Development
Ministry says that only 44 percent of Russian citizens identify themselves as “Rossiyane,”
an unsatisfactory situation from Moscow’s point of view that has prompted that
ministry to come up with two possible programs to increase that number (www.specletter.com/obcshestvo/2013-02-15/dorogie-nerossijane.html).
The
less expensive variant, one that would cost 36.6 billion rubles (1.2 billion US
dollars), would plan to increase the level of “Rossiyane” identification to 64
percent by 2018. The more expensive one, costing 124.6 billion rubles (4
billion US dollars), would seek to increase that share to 86 percent.
In
both cases, five federal administrations – the Regional Development Ministry,
the Education and Science Ministry, the Culture Ministry, the State
Construction Administration (Gosstroy), and the Russian Committee on Youth
(Rosmolodezh) -- will share in these
funds but carry out separate programs.
The
Regional Development Ministry also reported that its surveys have found that “only
45 percent [of the Russian population] is satisfied with the realization of its
own ethno-cultural rights” and that 62 percent say they would support limiting
the influx of representatives “of certain other nationalities” into the regions
in which they live.
In
reporting these plans, Vladimir Titov and Aleksandr Gazov of “Osobaya bukhva”
express skepticism about the entire enterprise.
“Experts from the government should remember that nations are not born
by the stroke of a pen. And even lengthy periods of living on a common territory,
having a common legal field, and using a common state language sometimes will
be insufficient to make people feel themselves a single whole.”
After
all, the two journalists note, “even neighbors living for decades in a communal
apartment do not become a single family just because they have cooked borsch on
a single stove.” Rather more is required.
“A nation is created by common
values and achievements,” the two argue. Often “a decisive role in the genesis
of a nation is played by war or a series of wars or lengthy armed
confrontation.” Those experiencing such things share a common sense of
sacrifice, a common victory or defeat, and often a common goal of revenge.
“No one would begin to dispute
that the Soviet people [“sovetsky narod”] was not simply a collection of the
citizens of the USSR but a people which recognized its unity and differences
from others,” in many ways because of its struggle and victory in World War II.
“The cult of May 9 genuinely has quasi-religious aspects.”
But even in this case, Titov and
Gazov say, “the Soviet people did not become a full-blown nation, as the events
of the end of the last century provide evidence.” And they point out that it is
a common set of values rather than just experiences that is the basis for the
formation of a nation.
Moreover, they note, different
nations have different values on a whole range of issues. Some value being able
to defend themselves above anything else, while others put freedom in first
place. “In some cases, the unit is the individual while elsewhere it is the
tribe or extended family.” And “some nations are more inclined to expansion
while others back their uniqueness.”
Will it be possible to create such a
nation out of the citizens of the Russian Federation? “Perhaps, pride for the
most expensive winter Olympics in the sub-tropics? Or we can take pride in
victory over great and powerful Georgia in 2008? … [Or perhaps it will be
achieved by] censorship of the internet.
Aleksandr Zhukov, a historian and
commentator, is equally dismissive of the Russian government’s current plans: “The
Russian nation does not exist and therefore strengthening its unity does not
have any meaning,” he tells “Osobaya bukhva.” Instead, what is taking place in
Russia is a continuation of “the process of heightened nationalization of
individual republics.”
Given that, Zhukov continues, “how
is it possible in general to speak about the formation of a single Russian
nation [“natsiya”]?” If this is going to happen, “the most important role will
belong to the state” but that state will have to overcome its unwillingness to
focus on the reality that such a nation can only be formed on the basis of the
ethnic Russian nation.
But were the Russian government to
do so, the historian says, it is almost impossible to imagine how it could
proceed without taking steps that the non-Russians living in the country would
find a threat to their identities. Given
that reality, Zhukov concludes, it will be “impossible” to construct such an
identity, at least anytime in the near future.
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