Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 22 – The Russian
government under Vladimir Putin has not been shy about making direct and very
public attacks on the rights of non-Russians inside the Russian Federation; but
in this area as in so many others, Moscow has also used what might be called “covert”
means that attract less critical attention but may be equally destructive.
Three cases of this were on display
last week. First, a meeting of
journalists from 30 regions and republics across the Russian Federation adopted
a resolution saying that the charges the Russian postal service was imposing
for distribution of their publications were in fact forcing them to close (nazaccent.ru/content/12094-na-forume-regionalnyh-i-nacionalnyh-smi.html).
Russian officials suggested that
globalization rather than state policy was to blame, but various speakers pointed
to the ways in which increases in the cost of distribution arising from changes
in Russian postal rates were affecting non-Russian and regional media far more
heavily because these outlets have fewer readers.
Second, Viktor Sadovnichny, rector
of Moscow State University, said that “the problem of the insufficient
knowledge of Russian,” a problem that forced the Russian government to drop the
number of a passing grade in state examinations from 36 to 24 was “in the first
instance typical of non-Russian schools” (nazaccent.ru/content/12082-rektor-mgu-ploho-znayut-russkij-yazyk.html and ria.ru/abitura/20140619/1012696068.html).
The Moscow educator declared that “there
are schools where the children practically do not know Russian,” even though
everyone is aware that state examinations and much else are in that language.
Sadovichny’s comments not only will
reduce interest in and support for non-Russian schools among non-Russian
parents who are concerned about the future success of their children but also
will increase the tendency of many Russians to blame non-Russians for shortcomings
in the country’s educational attainment.
And third, having been forced to
defend itself against nuisance lawsuits brought by Russian officials who
opposed its activities, the Peryt Circassian Organization has run out of money
to pay its staff or rent and has been forced to close its doors (gazetayuga.ru/archive/number/obs.htm).
The group had been responsible for
sending more than 2500 invitations to Circassians in war-torn Syria, thus
providing them with a required document for returning to their historical
homeland in the North Caucasus. Many
Russian officials have opposed that idea. Forcing the group to defend itself
against 19 charges has had the desired result: its closure.
When other governments in the
post-Soviet states use such indirect forms of attack, Western media watchdog
groups regularly denounce the practice, but they often appear to be more
reluctant to do so when the Russian government is involved, a kind of “double
standard” that is as indefensible as any other.
“Street vendors were banned in Baku in 2011 on the
grounds that they were obstructing traffic,” the media watchdog group added,
noting that “the state-owned Gasid distribution network's newsstands were
gradually eliminated in 2012 or replaced by a new network of
shops from which independent newspapers are for the most part excluded.
Finally, selling newspapers in the metro was banned in 2013.”
Johann
Bihr, head of the Reporters Without Borders Eastern Europe and Central Asia
desk, told Reuters that “the economic difficulties that ‘Zerkalo’ has been
facing are the result of the government’s implementation of an insidious
censorship strategy.” He could have added that the Russian authorities under
Putin are doing exactly the same thing.
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