Paul Goble
Staunton,
July 7 – Employees of the force structures have always been able to retire
earlier and with better pensions than ordinary Russians, part of the package of
benefits the Kremlin uses to purchase and maintain their loyalty as defenders
of the existing system, Yekaterina Schulmann says.
“Everyone
knew this,” of course, the Moscow political analyst says, but accepted it as
just one of the facts of life. Now, however, it has become a problem because
with the raising of retirement ages for ordinary Russians, the benefits “gap”
between the siloviki and the Russian people has widened and become the subject
of public discussion.
Arnold
Khachaturov cites her argument at the opening of a new Novaya gazeta article on this subject (novayagazeta.ru/articles/2018/07/07/77076-pogony-molodosti-nashey). He continues by
citing the research of Oksana Sinyavskaya of the Higher School of Economics who
supports Schulmann’s conclusions.
Sinyavskaya says that “if the
raising of the pension age doesn’t touch the siloviki, then they as before will
be able to take their pensions at the age of 40 to 45 while all other citizens
will have to wait until 65.” They will not only get higher pensions than most
others but will receive them for far longer.
No one can say exactly how many
siloviki pensioners there are or what they cost, Khachaturov says. All that
information is classified in Russia. The
best estimate suggests that pensions for siloviki veterans now cost the state
approximately 700 billion rubles (11 billion US dollars) each year – or about
0.7 percent of GDP.
Few Russians
begrudge such payments to those who have fought on the front lines as it were;
but they are increasingly uneasy with the idea that others in the force
structures who may have spent their entire careers in offices far from any serious
conflict should benefit in the same way, Schulmann says.
“Among the millions of siloviki,”
Sergey Zhavoronkov of the Gaydar Institute says, “the overwhelming majority are
ordinary bookkeepers and laws who have never held a pistol in their hands or
stopped criminals.” Even in the defense ministry that is the case, he suggests.
And he urges that Moscow raise the pension ages for the siloviki as other countries
have done.
In fact, there has been some slight
movement in that direction in recent years and there are many cases when others
are able to retire well before the established pension age. Indeed, at present,
approximately one in every three Russians – some 14 million people are able to
retire before the current established pension age.
Now, the Russian government is
talking about raising the pension age of civilians but not that of siloviki. “Theoretically,”
the article suggests, Moscow should be talking about raising both, something
that would send a strong message to the population and to the siloviki. But it
has as yet proved unwilling to do that – and that is creating tensions between the
two groups.
Unfortunately, Schulmann says, “no
one will do this in present-day Russia because the siloviki are not simply the
defenders of the regime: they are the regime itself. No one will be able to
touch them even in the smallest degree” – and now all Russians can see this and
draw their own conclusions.
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