Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 4 – Previous American
presidents in their dealings with Moscow have typically moved from progress in
one area to progress in others, Andrey Kortunov says; but Donald Trump is
different: he will treat each “’deal’” with Moscow separately; and thus any
forward movement on Syria won’t make an agreement on Ukraine any easier.
Helsinki is very different from
Singapore, and Russia is even more from North Korea, the Moscow foreign policy
expert says. But Trump’s manner in dealing with Kim Jong-un strongly suggests
how he will deal with Vladimir Putin – and Moscow must be ready to face that
fact (russiancouncil.ru/analytics-and-comments/analytics/po-doroge-v-khelsinki-oglyanutsya-na-singapur/).
Kortunov points out that “it is well
known” that Trump likes stronger leaders, “even thoe of whom can in no way be
called friends or allies of the US … But namely therefore in dealing with potential
opponents, Trump seriously needs a victory or at least the appearance of one.”
That was true in Singapore and it will be true in Helsinki.
There are at least two obvious
candidates for such “’a triumph’” as far as Trump is concerned: a commitment by
Moscow not to interfere in the upcoming American mid-term elections, something
Russia has always denied doing anyway, and an arrangement in Syria tht would
allow the US president to pull out American troops.
In his relations with other leaders,
“Trump characteristically seeks to distance himself from the methods of his
predecessors and in the first instance from the foreign policy of Barack Obama.”
That way, he can present to his base anything he achieves as being his alone
and not the result of diplomatic work over time.
“That is the approach one should
expect during the Helsinki meeting,” Kortunov says. And it has some important
consequences for what will happen: Trump will insist on generalities so that he
can’t be attacked by his opponents at home and so he can change course after
the meeting if he wants to.
As a result, the Russian side should
not focus on specifics because Trump isn’t interested in them. He wants a show
and a triumph not really a breakthrough. Thus, the most important thing Putin
can seek is the creation of a spirit of Helsinki based on friendship with Trump
that may lead to progress later.
At the same time, he says, no friendly
exchanges will ensure progress either within the frameworks of some vague
declarations or on other issues. Indeed, it has become a hallmark of Trump’s
approach that no agreement is final and that no agreement on one thing will
open the way to agreements on others. There won’t be “positive linkage” of the
kind seen in the past.
The fallout from the Singapore
meeting highlighted that. On the one hand, Trump’s understanding of what was “agreed”
there doesn’t correspond with that of Kim Jong-un; and on the other, any
progress on nuclear and missile issues did not lead Trump to lift or try to
lift sanctions. They remain very much in place.
Moscow should be ready to expect the
same outcome from the Putin-Trump summit. “In any case,” Kortunov argues, “one
must be prepared for the possibility that the meeting in the capital of Finland
will become not a turning point but only the very beginning of a complex
process of restoring relations between Moscow and Washington.”
But Moscow must try to make the most
of it because given the domestic situation in the United States and Trump’s own
proclivities, he concludes, “the next such change to do will not appear soon.”
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